Hello,In this article you can find the article 'Rescuing Economic Growth in Highly Indebted Developing Countries' by Dani Rodrik, Reza Baqir, and Ishac Diwan. Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

The best articles on finance at Aposto, curated by our editors. Topics include micro and macro economic developments, market reports and more. 

The best articles on finance at Aposto, curated by our editors.

Aposto Finance

This year may prove devastating for the developing world, as more and more countries find themselves engulfed in debt crises. 

Rescuing Economic Growth in Highly Indebted Developing Countries

Hello,In &nbsp;this issue, you can find the article 'A China Optimist's Lament' by Stephen S. Roach, former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, faculty member at Yale University and the author, most recently, of <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/UJjmL6W8nIbe?c=rTSJSHJfLhh21iX6hJ9ih&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Accidental Conflict: America, China, and the Clash of False Narratives</a> (Yale University Press, 2022).Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

Article by Stephen S. Roach

A China Optimist’s Lament

Hello,In this issue, you can find the article 'COVID and the Chinese Social Contract' by Joschka Fischer, Germany’s former foreign minister and vice chancellor. Fischer was a leader of the German Green Party for almost 20 years.Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

While China's top-down authoritarian strategy initially seemed effective, the regime's zero-COVID policy ultimately proved to be fatally flawed. Article by Joschka Fischer.

COVID and the Chinese Social Contract

Hello,In this issue, you can find the article 'Sleepwalking Into a Global Trade War' by Anne O. Krueger, former World Bank chief economist and former first deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund. Krueger is a Senior Research Professor of International Economics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies and Senior Fellow at the Center for International Development at Stanford University.Enjoy your reading,Aposto editorial team

For 70 years after World War II, global growth was underpinned by ongoing efforts to boost international trade by eliminating self-defeating trade barriers.

Sleepwalking Into a Global Trade War

Hello,In this issue, you can find the article 'Things Can Only Get Better for the UK' by Jim O’Neill, former chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management and former UK treasury minister.Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

Article by Jim O'Neill

Things Can Only Get Better for the UK

Hello,Today, you can read the article 'Can India Fulfill Its Potential?' by Carl Bildt, former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

Article by Carl Bildt, former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.

Can India Fulfill Its Potential?

Hello,In our first issue, you can read the article 'Climate Before Trade' by Dani Rodrik, Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard Kennedy School, President of the International Economic Association and the author of <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691177847/straight-talk-on-trade&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw3dNT4d3a7eWb42fdeVX9V_" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/XeXxjgqUFr4X?c=kxPKNXBJ6ZUewT0feww19&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy</a> (Princeton University Press, 2017).Enjoy your reading,Aposto Editorial Team

'Our only chance to ensure a sustainable future depends on a hodge-podge of national policies that will be wildly diverse and driven by complicated local considerations.'

Climate Before Trade

Economy related articles and publications

Economy

By Dani Rodrik, Reza Baqir, and Ishac DiwanCAMBRIDGE – This year may prove devastating for the developing world, as more and more countries find themselves engulfed in debt crises. Several (Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Russia, Suriname, and Zambia) are already in default, and scores of others urgently need debt relief to ward off economic collapse and sharp rises in poverty.The prevailing response to debt crises is to negotiate complex packages involving the debtor country, international financial institutions (IFIs), and other external creditors. Domestic bondholders, labor unions, and others play a part, too, as they have their own interests to protect. The bargaining process among all these parties can be lengthy and feature significant domestic and global efforts to game the outcome by pushing a larger burden of losses onto others, even as debtor-country conditions continue to deteriorate.The rise of emerging markets as major bilateral official creditors has added further complexity to an already difficult process. China, India, countries in the Middle East, and others have not been part of conventional debt-resolution arrangements. Besides complicating coordination, heterogeneity among creditors can unleash more destructive processes led by self-fulfilling expectations, such as sudden capital-flow reversals and banking crises.The key to making debt deals more compelling to all parties is to design them in a way that unlocks growth opportunities. The prospect of large enough gains would attract all parties to the negotiating table, as they could share among themselves the benefits that such a package unleashes.Growth-promoting debt resolution <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/PQZLiOcCXnn4?c=TTgrO2ChhtYDlZZ1N0frK&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">requires a three-sided deal</a>. Debtor governments can afford to invest in growth opportunities and cut unproductive and inefficient expenditures only if additional resources are provided. The IFIs can safely lend those resources only if the existing creditors agree to debt (and debt-service) reduction. The existing creditors, in turn, will provide debt relief only if the IFIs can apply effective conditionality to ensure that debtor governments maintain appropriate growth policies. With a new wave of debt workouts looming, some of the elements of such grand deals must be <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/orZ6lVDT7ce0?c=TTgrO2ChhtYDlZZ1N0frK&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">updated and adapted</a> to new global realities.One key issue has to do with the nature of growth opportunities. Recent developments such as deglobalization, decarbonization efforts, and the demise of the export-oriented growth model have likely lowered the growth potential of low-income countries. This implies that debt-reduction bargains should not exaggerate the role of future growth, and that the cost of lost growth opportunities will have to be deeper debt reductions. But, equally important, future growth would be even lower in the absence of new investments that adjust the growth path to new realities.If new growth opportunities receive new financing and are profitable, they can lessen the need for debt reduction, by at least partly counteracting the effect of the trade-related decline in growth opportunities. These opportunities and funding needs are clearest and most substantial with respect to the green transition. Climate change is hurting growth prospects in low-income countries the most, owing partly to their geographical location, and partly to their populations’ greater vulnerability and inability to mitigate climate risks. Green growth is largely about implementing public policies to offset these negative forces. But it is also about taking advantage of new opportunities.Investments in <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/kqV1j3zCQ5Is?c=TTgrO2ChhtYDlZZ1N0frK&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">adaptation</a> to climate change include projects to defend against sea-level rising, reduce the salinity of floods, bolster road and bridge infrastructure, and increase water conservation. Since global food prices are expected to vary more widely in the coming years, adaptation also includes improving food security. <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/yDBRZ9pI8uaz?c=TTgrO2ChhtYDlZZ1N0frK&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Mitigation</a> in turn will focus on generating power in clean ways, using solar and wind technologies that require front-loaded investments.For this to happen, the approach of the IFIs must change. Conditionality must be adapted to the new development challenges. It must embrace the new growth agenda and shift its focus from an overemphasis on macroeconomic targets to socially acceptable policies that support the green growth imperative. Since the growth payoffs are likely to take longer, conditionality must be phased in accordingly.Moreover, the IFIs must take on a larger financing role, both directly and through efforts to leverage private finance through enhancements. More than in the past, the IFIs will need to provide new finance early on, until debtor countries re-establish a track record of creditworthiness and market access as they manage the transition to a new growth path. The investment needs of the green transition are much larger than the old-style reforms of the 1980s, which simply shifted resources from the public to the private sector to concentrate on a narrower set of public expenditures.Given valuable growth opportunities, the size of the IFIs’ loans and the amount of debt reduction needed can be negatively correlated. An ambitious lending program that financed an ambitious reform program should lead to high growth rates and thus require less debt reduction.Finally, the IFIs need to respond to the changes in creditor composition. Burden-sharing is more complex today, owing to the growth of private-market debt and the rise of new creditors (especially China, India, Russia, and a few others). If the new official creditors are going to be taking major losses on their claims, they might expect to have a greater say in how the principles for debt restructuring are developed. In the short term, the principles must be applied in flexible ways to facilitate progress. Over time, the significant changes in the official creditor landscape must be reflected in the composition of the boards of the IFIs.Economic growth remains an essential ingredient of successful debt deals. But even in the best of circumstances, developing countries’ growth is likely to be slower and more domestically oriented, requiring a combination of deeper debt reduction and longer time horizons. Realizing new investment opportunities will require new funding and new forms of conditionality. And new financing will have to come early and largely from the IFIs, until developing countries embark credibly on new growth paths.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Dani Rodrik, Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard Kennedy School, is President of the International Economic Association and the author of&nbsp;Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy&nbsp;(Princeton University Press, 2017).Reza Baqir, a former governor of the State Bank of Pakistan, is a senior fellow at Harvard Kennedy School’s Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government.Ishac Diwan is Research Director at the Finance for Development Lab.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2023. <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/6zN0uALJ7WFN?c=TTgrO2ChhtYDlZZ1N0frK&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

NEW HAVEN – I have been a congenital China optimist for most of the past 25 years. I first came to that view in the depths of the Asian financial crisis in 1997-98. The so-called <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/HBSR91kQyrIJ?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">East Asian growth miracle</a> was in tatters and China was widely portrayed as the <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/QaMFCGnR6vea?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">final domino</a> that would fall in what was then viewed as the first crisis of globalization. Having shuttled back and forth to the region during that period as Morgan Stanley’s chief economist, I had quickly come to appreciate the power of China’s market-based economic transition. So, in March 1998, I took a very different view on the pages of the Financial Times with my <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/h-_an7VUTIa-?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">first published commentary</a> on China, “The Land of the Rising Dragon.”My argument, in a nutshell, was that China would supplant Japan as the new engine of post-crisis Asia. Japan was floundering in the aftermath of its post-bubble implosion, whereas a reform-oriented China had the wherewithal, determination, and strategy to withstand the currency contagion of a devastating external shock and sustain rapid economic growth. As <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Gzgf8TiTZP51?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">China delivered</a>, boosted by its accession to the World Trade Organization in late 2001, and Japan sunk into its second lost decade, the Chinese economy took off like a rocket.It was the beginning of an extraordinary journey for me as Wall Street’s resident China optimist. In the spring of 1998, I spent a day in Seattle with then Chinese Finance Minister Xiang Huaicheng. He had read my piece in the FT and <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/uF2T-fp0-Hxh?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">wanted</a> to exchange views on the Chinese and US economies. He implored me to think of China less in terms of legacy state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and more through the lens of a rapidly emerging entrepreneurial subculture driven by <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/ObxMDvWQAzwq?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">township-village enterprises</a> (TVEs).Xiang was kind enough to organize a subsequent tour of several TVEs in Fujian Province. The most impressive was the <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/yyfjDNtyTcu8?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Hengtong Group</a>, a rapidly growing producer of high-quality fiber optic and telecom cables. Loaded with state-of-the-art technology from the United States and Germany, and staffed with a surprisingly large number of college graduates, Hengtong was the opposite of China’s long-ossified SOEs.That experience whetted my appetite. I <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/5Uz4rrY2eWGk?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">deepened my research</a> into the seemingly paradoxical dynamism of China’s blended economy, with newly reformed and increasingly marketized SOEs starting to list shares in international capital markets in a balancing act with a rapidly growing private sector. Could China avoid the chronic problems that had long afflicted other blended systems, including Japan?This <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/4xdHvH9cumcO?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">same question was posed</a> by former Premier Wen Jiabao. I first met Wen in late 2002, a few months before his elevation to the premiership under President Hu Jintao. His curiosity impressed me more than his skills as a strategist, which had distinguished his <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/W7T_MXoyYQ5O?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">predecessor</a>, Zhu Rongji.But Wen had the courage to spark a debate about one of China’s toughest problems: In a public press conference in March 2007, he warned that while the economy was superficially strong, it risked becoming “unstable, unbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable.” To Wen’s great credit, he posed the paradox of the “Four Uns” just a few months before the eruption of America’s subprime mortgage crisis, which would culminate in the 2008-09 global financial crisis.At this point, I doubled down as a China optimist. The resilience of the blended system – the legacy of Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening up” – held the key to what I believed would be a powerful rebalancing of the Chinese economy. Wen’s Four Uns could be resolved only by a structural shift from exports and investment to consumer-led growth, from manufacturing to services, from surplus saving to saving absorption by investing in a long-deficient social safety net, and by shifting from foreign to indigenous innovation.China’s flexible, blended, increasingly dynamic private sector could do all that and more. In the years following Wen’s proclamation, China’s five-year plans aligned with this <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/jT-K1HfcKBPz?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">rebalancing agenda</a>. The case for a structural transformation to a more market-based system was increasingly on track. Optimists, like me, felt vindicated.Then came Xi Jinping. At first, China’s fifth-generation leader seemed to be cut from the same cloth as the reform-oriented Deng. A sweeping set of reforms proposed at the <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/K6hYTMErTiwC?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Third Plenum of the 18th Party Congress</a> in late 2013 was especially encouraging. But shortly thereafter, uncomfortable frictions started to creep into the rebalancing strategy.In 2017, Xi kicked off the 19th Party Congress with a regression to Marxist ideology that immediately became known as “<a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/FuG3s8FMeZ6b?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Xi Jinping Thought</a>.” Consumer-led rebalancing was de-emphasized. An anti-corruption campaign became less about purging wrongdoers from the party and more about eliminating Xi’s political rivals and consolidating his power. And Xi’s geostrategic muscularity broke from Deng’s low-key (“hide and bide”) posture and led to a major <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/UJjmL6W8nIbe?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">conflict with the United States</a>.But 2022 was the ultimate wake-up call for China optimists. Xi’s great-power gambit aligned China in an “<a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/lsenPaHRjRv9?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">unlimited partnership</a>” with Russia on the brink of the Kremlin’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. Xi’s stubborn insistence on an untenable “zero-COVID” policy tapped an undercurrent of dissent not seen in a generation. And the 20th Party Congress in October was less about Xi’s claim to an unprecedented third term as general secretary and more about his <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/-oxvqpm4PnDt?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">fixation on security</a> in what he dubbed to be a threatening world of “perilous, stormy seas.”With a shrinking working-age population, China, until recently the world’s greatest growth story, needs an acceleration in productivity growth to reclaim that mantle. Yet Xi’s increased emphasis on security, power, and control <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/fDxM9Gh8Bzr3?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">undermines productivity</a> at a time when China needs it the most. The growth miracle can only suffer as a result.China had come close to the promised land. Its modern economy was on an extraordinary trajectory. The rebalancing agenda promised more to come. But Xi broke that promise. The political economy of autocracy has thrown cold water on those of us who used to be diehard China optimists.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Stephen S. Roach, a former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, is a faculty member at Yale University and the author, most recently, of&nbsp;<a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/UJjmL6W8nIbe?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Accidental Conflict: America, China, and the Clash of False Narratives</a>&nbsp;(Yale University Press, 2022).<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022.<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.project-syndicate.org&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw0KZ_gPIANNPZyrwxEWJw31" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/9RnCQ5C7hs4X?c=nGyqdUfJBBfvSpIbqyl6E&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

By&nbsp;Joschka FischerBERLIN – In October, the Communist Party of China convened its 20th National Congress, primarily to confirm President Xi Jinping’s hold over the country’s leadership. Everything went according to his plan: the CPC’s top governing body, the Standing Committee, is now staffed only by his most devoted henchmen. With Xi having secured a third term as general secretary – and thus as president – one man now has absolute power in China for the first time since the days of Mao Zedong.Gone is the principle of collective, term-limited leadership that Deng Xiaoping introduced following Mao’s death – a time when China was just beginning its massively successful modernization phase. Yet, as recent history shows, the return to one-man rule in a country of 1.4 billion people represents one of the greatest risks to China and its status as a rising superpower second only to the United States.Yes, under Xi, the Chinese regime’s power has increasingly seemed unlimited and unrestricted, owing to massive investments in state-of-the-art digital mass surveillance and social control systems. Yet the CPC’s strength is not based only on all-encompassing “smart” repression. Rather, it is the result of the party’s tremendous successes in modernizing China.Toward the end of the twentieth century, China integrated itself into the world economy, becoming its “extended workbench” and its number-one exporting country. China then leveraged this growth to develop a highly efficient mixed economy, with a growing private sector operating alongside the traditional party-controlled state sector. The results were phenomenal: China consistently recorded massive annual growth rates, lifting hundreds of millions of people (especially in the coastal regions) out of absolute poverty and into a newly emerging middle class.As China became richer, it increased its military power and pursued more dominant positions on the technological frontier. Within the space of just a few years, its technological successes – born predominantly of the private high-tech sector – made it a serious rival to US Big Tech. For a few years in the late 2010s, it seemed to be only a matter of time before China would replace the US as the world’s largest economy and overwhelmingly dominant technological superpower.Then came the COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan in late 2019. Despite some Chinese authorities’ efforts to cover up the emerging epidemic, it soon became the entire world’s problem. On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/UGx_P5Bor7_5?c=vh6cescIkF69ORSfN3ymu&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">declared</a> the outbreak to be a pandemic, and the global economy ground to a halt as countries locked down to contain the spread of the virus.But different countries adopted different strategies over the medium term, depending on their respective cultural and historical traditions. The open, democratic societies of the West, for example, embraced transparency and relied on voluntary self-isolation and the rapid development of effective vaccines. Three years later, their populations are now largely immunized – though many people have died.By contrast, China relied from the beginning on draconian containment measures. Under its zero-COVID policy, every detected infection resulted in forced, closely supervised quarantines for all those affected. For a long time, this strategy seemed superior to the Western approach. China had far fewer deaths, and because it had isolated itself from the rest of the world, its domestic economy also recovered faster than those of the US and Europe. Accordingly, many around the world began to suspect that authoritarian command economies are better equipped for such crises than are the West’s messy, pluralist liberal democracies.But this view has proved to be deeply mistaken. We now know that China’s zero-COVID policy required a suspension of the social contract between the CPC and the people. Xi seems to have overlooked the fact that today’s China – at least the large metropolises that drive the economy – is not the China of the 1960s and 1970s.The new China simply is not suited for policies that require the authorities to shut down entire mega-cities with no notice, often locking workers in factories for weeks at a time. Moreover, owing to China’s position in the world economy, self-isolation was always going to be costly. Not only did zero-COVID create enormous disruptions in international supply chains; it also caused considerable damage to China’s own export sector.Xi wanted to use the pandemic to demonstrate the superiority of the Chinese system over the declining West. Yet this meant that, out of nationalistic arrogance, he refused to import the vastly superior Western mRNA vaccines. With China’s huge population remaining under-vaccinated and unprotected, lifting the zero-COVID measures was bound to be risky.But so, too, were the never-ending lockdowns. Just weeks after the 20th Party Congress, public frustration exploded across China’s large metropolises. Protesters held up sheets of white paper to decry the CPC’s censorship regime, and the “revolt of the blank sheets” spread like a bushfire. Xi had clearly overreached.How could China’s seemingly all-powerful autocrat understand so little about the social contract on which his power rests? For all its difficulties, liberal democracy – with its transparency and self-imposed limits – has once again proved more efficient and resilient than autocracy. Accountability to the people and the rule of law is not a weakness; it is a decisive source of strength. Where Xi sees a cacophony of clashing opinions and subversive free expression, the West sees a flexible and self-correcting form of collective intelligence. The results speak for themselves.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Joschka Fischer, Germany’s foreign minister and vice chancellor from 1998 to 2005, was a leader of the German Green Party for almost 20 years.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022. <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Q6he0p3ITrsn?c=vh6cescIkF69ORSfN3ymu&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

By Anne O. Krueger&nbsp;WASHINGTON, DC – The world is embroiled in a megacrisis comprising the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s war in Ukraine, high inflation, recession fears, and rising debt distress across emerging markets and developing countries. The last thing we need is an additional source of economic harm. But that’s what we may get, in the form of another destructive trade war.Trade wars are immensely damaging because the countries involved tend to retaliate by erecting ever-higher trade barriers. This vicious cycle was blamed for greatly prolonging the Great Depression in the 1930s, which is why the United States led the effort to develop a new world trading system after 1945, setting the stage for the most successful period of global economic growth in history. For 70 years, global commerce was underpinned by the rule of law, with an international organization – the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which was succeeded by the World Trade Organization – ensuring impartial adjudication of disputes.But starting in 2017, Donald Trump’s administration effectively withdrew US support for the WTO and started a trade war with China. In addition to slapping discriminatory tariffs on imports, it also imposed more sweeping levies on items such as steel and aluminum, dubiously citing “national security” concerns. Though most trade lawyers believed these measures to be illegal under WTO rules, US trading partners abstained from retaliation in the hope that the next administration would roll back Trump’s protectionist policies.Unfortunately, US President Joe Biden’s administration has neither rescinded Trump’s trade measures nor restored important WTO functions such as the dispute-settlement mechanism. And if that wasn’t bad enough, this year’s US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and CHIPS and Science Act will inflict so much damage on major trading partners and allies that they will almost certainly have to retaliate. The US will then find itself in a trade war not only with China but also with its own allies, and the world will be confronted with yet another major crisis: the breakdown of the international trading system.Both the IRA and the CHIPS Act are openly protectionist and discriminatory, violating agreements that the US has made through successive rounds of multilateral tariff-reduction negotiations. For example, the IRA provides a <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.jdsupra.com/legalnews/the-ira-s-electric-vehicle-and-battery-3876820/&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw30Bh2lGb-DcF85fUvefIs0" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/WQ9fry0uTd-M?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">$7,500 subsidy</a> to US purchasers of electric vehicles, provided that they are both made in America and composed predominantly of American parts (and these components must include batteries, which <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.livemint.com/auto-news/battery-swapping-for-electric-vehicles-and-ways-to-lead-the-change-11652604393940.html&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw0iaXTarC1E_tRqJFSWEq4g" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/cYoHNzfjmR1I?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">constitute</a> 40% of EVs’ cost. Similarly, the CHIPS Act allocates $52 billion to finance investment in “fabs” (chip-making factories) built by private companies in the US.It is doubtful that the EV subsidy, which strongly discriminates against foreign-made cars (as well as batteries and other auto components) from the European Union, the United Kingdom, Japan, and South Korea, is warranted. Nor is it likely to fulfill its intended purpose of “creating good jobs” and accelerating the shift away from internal combustion engines.The CHIPS Act is even less likely to achieve its backers’ desired results. There is already a looming semiconductor supply glut, and that has led some leading producers (both American and foreign) to declare that they will follow through on plans to build new production facilities <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wsj.com/articles/intel-shows-limits-of-chips-act-11659105553&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw2xCiqlAzEJVrQ1wtYMGoJl" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/E71bx082C1z4?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">only if they receive subsidies</a>.From the perspective of foreign political leaders, the auto industry is too economically important for them to stand by and do nothing in the face of unfair US practices. They simply cannot allow their own auto-assembly plants to lose market share as a result of US subsidies. As French President <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/emmanuel-macron&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw3hDYQox2SveWOo70Gr01Nj" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/I43wSbZxmDlD?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Emmanuel Macron</a> <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bangkokpost.com/world/2450187/macron-blasts-biden-subsidies-at-start-of-us-state-visit&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw3N-Pt2B6y7B_HKW2whVOkX" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Hw7O3zdwDiiM?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">made clear</a> to Biden during his recent state visit at the White House, America’s unilateral protectionism risks triggering a broader trade war. Equally, other governments are under mounting political pressure to subsidize chip production in response to the recent US moves, and several foreign manufacturers are <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/taiwan-tsmc-must-balance-diversification-with-deterrence-by-jason-hsu-2022-12&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw3taVtPXfGMHv-Hb_6aaVxm" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/qS0jhk2VQ5Ny?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">announcing</a> plans to build factories in the US to avoid the unfair competition.If the IRA and CHIPS Act go into effect on January 1, as planned, America’s allies will almost certainly retaliate, which in turn will invite US countermoves. And far from being confined to autos and semiconductors, this tit-for-tat escalation could affect more and more export categories, increasing the scale of the economic damage. Macron has already <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.barrons.com/news/macron-urges-eu-to-act-more-quickly-to-counter-us-subsidies-01671093608&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw0ilkNwOwy36x2V5Ah7rO-E" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/I8CQUOm13xkB?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">indicated</a> that Europe should start discriminating in favor of its industries.The world’s major trading powers must act quickly to prevent the eruption of a full-blown trade war. The chips issue should be taken to the WTO, and the US should abide by a likely ruling that the subsidies are illegal. Chip producers could jointly agree on a pact specifying export rules for machinery and chips and an enforcement mechanism. The US could substitute much-needed additional investment in education and training, which would enable domestic producers to hire well-trained workers more readily, for some of the physical investment now contemplated.The new facilities under construction are for chips already in production, and inventories of those chips could be built up in lieu of investment in new fabs, especially now when demand for chips seems to have fallen. It is highly unlikely that all of the machinery and knowhow embodied in other countries’ production of machines to make chips and of chips themselves can in any event be brought back to the US. Any of these measures would almost certainly achieve results closer to the US objectives than the subsidies currently envisaged.For EVs and batteries, too, foreign and domestic producers must compete on a level playing field. Car-exporting countries could subsidize all purchasers of new EVs by the same amount as the Americans; the Biden administration could seek an amendment to the law to provide subsidies to purchases of all EVs, including imports. In addition, the American domestic content requirements for batteries would also need to be adjusted.As with chips, any of these measures would enable a far superior outcome for the global economy. Protectionism sets the bar low.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Anne O. Krueger, a former World Bank chief economist and former first deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, is Senior Research Professor of International Economics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies and Senior Fellow at the Center for International Development at Stanford University.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022.<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.project-syndicate.org&source=gmail&ust=1672910938098000&usg=AOvVaw0KZ_gPIANNPZyrwxEWJw31" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/6zN0uALJ7WFN?c=kpVlgmgCaW7vsGcAmKsWb&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

LONDON – A friend recently forwarded me an email from a client who was bemoaning the state of the United Kingdom and questioning whether it still met the standards of a G7 country. In response, I joked that since the population chose to leave the European Union, the country has been in the dismal position his client described, but maybe it cannot get much worse from here. A contrarian might want to buy the pound on the grounds that the mood will improve as things become marginally less disappointing.In fact, gallows humor aside, it would be a risky bet, because there is ample evidence to suggest that the country will be very challenged unless there are bolder policies. The reasons fall into three broad, interrelated categories, starting with Brexit.Britain has been paralyzed in many ways both by the decision to leave the EU and by the way it was done. Mainstream politicians and the current government are too scared to admit that Brexit has significantly harmed the economy. Nor will they even discuss the possibility of mimicking membership in the EU’s single market through the alignment of regulatory and trade policies.As a tactical matter, the current government’s reluctance is vaguely understandable, given <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/l7HhF_51ILa-?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">current opinion polls</a> and persistent pressure from avid Brexiteers like Nigel Farage. But Labour, too, has remained relatively quiet. Although Labour leader Keir Starmer was one of the most <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/QFSepLGYrDpx?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">articulate advocates</a> of remaining in the EU, the party seems not to want to re-litigate the issue now that it is already ahead in the polls.Is this wise? All those cutting-edge analysts who presciently warned that disgruntled voters would be pleased if the UK left the EU are now pointing to signs that some of the same voters <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/dEG-GLrCNj4s?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">regret</a> the decision, or at least the way it was carried out. There is certainly little doubt that Brexit has indeed been bad for the economy. Standard economic indicators – real (inflation-adjusted) <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/GSCQ1xS43lwU?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">GDP growth</a>, <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/WL5yStuYLND6?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">investment</a> levels, the size of the <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/qCy0_yvXF7sd?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">labor force</a> – all show that the UK has underperformed relative to its peers in recent years.Before the 2016 Brexit referendum, I could see why many might have wanted to leave the EU, even if it would almost certainly be an initial negative for the economy. I didn’t believe that the EU was the single most important issue facing the country. I was more worried about the UK’s dreadful <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/hNUgsnWa9IfK?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">productivity</a> performance and staggering <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/aMxhvCmNfrJE?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">regional inequalities</a>. Though I favored Remain, I was at least open to the idea that leaving the EU would provide the political shock necessary to tackle these problems.But while four subsequent prime ministers have claimed that they would address the country’s investment and productivity challenges, none has done so, either because they didn’t survive in power long enough or because they were never sincerely committed in the first place.That brings us to the UK’s second big problem: our <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/CJJvLkLCtq8c?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">investment performance</a> remains dreadful relative to most of our peers, and it is hard to see how productivity will improve in the absence of a major change. The Brexit-induced shock to both trade and the labor supply has made the creation of a new investment program even more urgent.In 2022, Liz Truss’s short-lived government claimed it would boost productivity through old-fashioned tax cuts, but we know how that <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/GhLrc7Lqv9rT?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">turned out</a>. Now, her replacement, Rishi Sunak, has been concentrating on <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/yISaeiC9ct9f?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">fiscal responsibility</a> while paying little attention to the still-urgent need to boost investment spending. While his government has restored some confidence in financial markets, it has not offered any new hope for the economy. Worse, it could be <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/P5_NQXULRnTi?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">two years</a> before the next election.In the UK and across other advanced economies, there is a clear case to be made for much bolder policies to force the private sector to boost investment spending. The case for bolder public investment spending is even stronger. As long as such a program is well articulated, transparent, and endorsed by non-partisan organizations (such as the UK’s Office for Budget Responsibility and the National Infrastructure Commission), financial markets will respond positively.The third big problem is <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/QuIwr96cb-xH?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">regional inequality</a>. Here, there is still hope for building a broad-based consensus around bold solutions. Notwithstanding the ongoing factional political battles, the current government seems to recognize that it must get serious about devolving more economic policymaking authority and stimulating investment in the country’s less prosperous areas. Moreover, though Labour largely ignored the problem of inter-regional inequality for many years (ever since the days when I chaired the Cities Growth Commission in 2013-14), the party has finally <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/3u27YugwlYSW?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">woken up</a>.“Leveling up” the UK’s underperforming regions still holds massive promise. As we showed in the David Cameron government’s <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Jt9j5flt_OEE?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Northern Powerhouse plan</a>, the UK is <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/E_J7tZW9jqfp?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">well positioned</a> to capitalize on its excellent universities, alternative energies, and other reliable sources of innovation and growth.The UK economy desperately needs new, forward-looking leadership. The political party that takes the leveling-up challenge most seriously could enjoy a long stint in office.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Jim O’Neill, a former chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management and a former UK treasury minister, is a member of the Pan-European Commission on Health and Sustainable Development.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022. <a fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/6zN0uALJ7WFN?c=Twpzsz9F83PXH_zkxlyou&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

By Carl Bildt STOCKHOLM – In 2023, India will <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-07-11/india-may-surpass-china-as-world-s-most-populous-nation-in-2023&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw1wRZvzRxOaHda0UMOnsL5g" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/XWItUkL56GzD?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">overtake</a> China as the world’s most populous country. And while China has <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/The-age-of-Great-China/China-s-aging-population-leads-to-predictions-of-17-year-supremacy&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw34hwK6qflvXYg093sZRu7O" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/tVWJKsoxP3AC?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">already passed</a> its demographic zenith and begun to age, India’s ascent will continue for decades.To be sure, after <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nytimes.com/1992/03/29/world/a-revolution-transforms-india-socialism-s-out-free-market-in.html&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw2vRraD7UyL4eXxHP6pDk8s" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/jx58awC5D6-H?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">abandoning</a> its socialist model in 1991, India has struggled to boost its economic growth, whereas China’s four decades of “reform and opening” have lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and brought high-income status <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://asia.nikkei.com/Economy/China-on-verge-of-high-income-status-after-wealth-measure-jumps-20&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw1V64xwqewApCKMijyQdg9_" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/f6fe4Ba_tjwP?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">within sight</a>. As a result, its economy is now <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations%3DCN-IN&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw0mEz3hBwN3wQBb9NuUZ7mP" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/bzRf7vPuM6_K?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">six times</a> larger than India’s, and the difference between the two countries’ basic infrastructure is glaring. But with Chinese President Xi Jinping moving his country back in a more statist direction, growth has <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.piie.com/blogs/realtime-economics/china-has-few-options-revive-lagging-economic-growth&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw13VBPXCBuO3x-hjwIzh84g" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/I4Gzu3wedVrz?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">slowed</a> substantially.Meanwhile, India’s economy has been <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/india-needs-structural-reforms-to-sustain-high-growth-rate-by-barry-eichengreen-and-poonam-gupta-2-2022-08&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw3A_kkO9sEJIimFrqQOgdHP" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/UXgxMd2hG1kn?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">outpacing most others</a> this year, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems determined to put his country on a path to close the gap with China. This fall, India surpassed the United Kingdom to become the world’s <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-09-02/uk-slips-behind-india-to-become-world-s-sixth-biggest-economy&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw15CtxcVrCGWwDXPVnWWpHh" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Ge7p__6_U4t6?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">fifth-largest economy</a>, and recent estimates suggest that its current policies and growth rates will make it the <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.cnbc.com/2022/12/01/india-to-leapfrog-to-third-largest-economy-by-2030.html&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw2bzQEyb8YZTGCVVGU7tkCc" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/CpZ5RXU-_NQZ?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">third-largest national economy</a> in a decade or so. While its projected growth rate for 2023 is below that of 2022 (<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.thehindu.com/business/Economy/gdp-growth-in-2023-to-slow-to-59-says-goldman-sachs/article66174327.ece%23:~:text%3DIndia's%2520economic%2520growth%2520in%25202023,tightening%2520weighs%2520on%2520domestic%2520demand.&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw1-50pimaGGDmhYqIWqoviU" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/dKvneW7bbOdS?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">5.9% compared to 6.9%</a>), a rapid ascent up the global economic ladder remains well within reach.China outpaced India in recent decades because it was much faster and more decisive in opening its economy and tapping into global trade. While China was establishing itself as “<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.shieldworksmfg.com/2021/12/16/made-in-china-how-chinese-factories-became-the-worlds-factories/&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw3quXTARcd4qstZUyEmAiNp" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/7WTGQFe5BAzL?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">the factory of the world</a>,” India was still harboring suspicions about open trade and allowing protectionist tendencies to hold back rapid reform. Its ability to overcome old habits in the years ahead will likely determine whether it can fulfill its ambition to achieve sustained rapid growth and broad-based prosperity.For now, global conditions remain favorable for India. China’s own success in advancing along the global value chain means that it is no longer the low-cost producer that it once was. And with rising geopolitical tensions and many multinationals rethinking their supply chains, investors’ are increasingly turning their sights to India.Globalization may be changing, but it is hardly in retreat. In fact, global trade is <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://unctad.org/news/global-trade-set-hit-record-32-trillion-2022-outlook-increasingly-gloomy-2023&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw29MiRsfFYnTXQurZw-UVwX" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/foeHyGRIYp5G?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">stronger than ever</a>. What is new is the push to locate value chains in more politically predictable places, so that geopolitical tensions and rogue actors do not unduly affect the free flow of goods and services. India could fit the bill, but first it will need to resolve some outstanding questions.One issue concerns India’s relationship with Europe. A free-trade agreement between the European Union and India used to be high on the agenda for both sides, but it was shelved in the mid-2010s. The EU wanted more than was achievable, India wanted far less, and the talks were going nowhere. But earlier this year, European Commission President <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/ursula-von-der-leyen&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw2qQQMLR0g-Lyk9pdfHzxEu" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/3NW-8tZuI1kJ?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Ursula von der Leyen</a> and Modi <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.cnbc.com/2022/07/18/india-and-eu-revive-stalled-fta-talks-as-global-tensions-spark-urgency.html&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw0FDgfpYT60SE3mbunvuE4k" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/yWQi1Wy8iI3J?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">decided</a>, in a mutual leap of faith, to revive efforts to conclude an FTA.Much will now depend on the outcome of these new talks, which follow a seven-year hiatus. The EU will have to recognize that it probably cannot achieve everything that it wants in one go. And India, for its part, will have to jettison a lot of political baggage. If it really wants to capitalize on the global rearrangement of value chains, it must open itself up in ways that it has resisted in the past.Neither the negotiations nor the associated reforms will be easy. Progress ultimately will depend on political leadership in both New Delhi and Brussels. If trade negotiators are going to break new ground, as is necessary in this case, they will need a clear vision and consistent will from their respective capitals.Indian leaders, in particular, should bear in mind what the policies of the past few decades have wrought. Divergent national approaches to the global economy explain why China now represents <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://commission.europa.eu/system/files/2019-03/communication-eu-china-a-strategic-outlook.pdf&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw0o7T7K0zKcCYCTk1zcTTfJ" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/o4d12o-H2M9L?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">16%</a> of the EU’s foreign trade, whereas India represents only <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/news/eu-and-india-kick-start-ambitious-trade-agenda-2022-06-17_en%23:~:text%3DThe%2520EU%2520is%2520India's%25203rd%2520largest%2520trading%2520partner%252C%2520accounting%2520for,%25E2%2582%25AC30.4%2520billion%2520in%25202020.&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw3bDVeaWhWFVATmRhAiWK8n" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Ahp3tqMoF9C7?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">2%</a>. The latter figure obviously must rise in the coming decade, but the extent to which it does will depend heavily on the outcome of the new talks.The rest of the world has much to gain from a more prosperous, confident, and powerful India. In addition to being the world’s most populous country soon, India is also its <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/programs/ai/rti/india/workshops/speaking_notes_mrti_workshops_oct04.pdf&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw18LPgRUJ4KYsBr8Of9tw3L" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/X4dSy8UEIFm3?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">largest democracy</a>, and its voice will only grow in importance as its economy develops. But, ultimately, the soft power that it wields in the future will reflect the trade and economic policy choices it makes today.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Carl Bildt is a former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022. <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.project-syndicate.org&source=gmail&ust=1671548582019000&usg=AOvVaw0nSTDaSKvr7HMg9WnkCDZI" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/6zN0uALJ7WFN?c=mSRuTu2VRyba3kUD-fYO4&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

By Dani Rodrik CAMBRIDGE – Late last month, a foreign leader accused US President Joe Biden of pursuing “super aggressive” industrial policies. It was not Russian President Vladimir Putin or Chinese President Xi Jinping, whose countries are America’s main geopolitical rivals. Nor was it Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi or Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, whose countries have struggled under the weight of US-led sanctions.No, the <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2022/12/01/emmanuel-macron-blasts-joe-biden-subsidies-in-state-visit_6006235_4.html&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw1YDC2sdrV39sLR9_xeHvki" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/zojeJNtVYMzX?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">complaint</a> came from French President <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/emmanuel-macron&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw21QyyqRRfGVhZ-iagD_bJH" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/I43wSbZxmDlD?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Emmanuel Macron</a>, a US ally, about the Inflation Reduction Act, Biden’s landmark initiative to decarbonize the American economy by subsidizing domestic investment in electric vehicles, batteries, and other renewable technologies. Qualifying for these subsidies requires firms to source critical inputs from US-based producers, which irks Macron and other leaders, who claim that the new legislation undermines European industry. France, Macron noted, faces challenges of its own generating middle-class jobs. “And the consequence of the IRA,” he put it bluntly, “is that you will perhaps fix your issue but you will increase my problem.”Imposing costs on other countries while addressing climate change is, however, precisely what the European Union has been planning to do. Through its carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM), the EU will soon impose duties on certain carbon-intensive imports. The goal is to maintain a high domestic price for carbon without allowing foreign firms to undercut European producers through cheaper imports. But the import duties will also <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://en.nsd.pku.edu.cn/docs/20220329114245125696.pdf&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw0aj-GVOefKbS7pmNIbWGhC" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/9RfH32f_KHZ8?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">hurt many lower-income countries</a> such as Mozambique, Egypt, and India.European officials argue that the CBAM differs from the IRA because it does not violate a fundamental principle of the multilateral trade regime: non-discrimination. The mechanism, they claim, aims merely to level the playing field between European companies, which are subject to high domestic carbon prices, and foreign producers, which are not. The CBAM, they insist, does not give European companies an unfair advantage.But one country’s leveling of the playing field is another country’s unfair targeting of comparative advantage. Equalizing the costs of certain inputs, such as electricity, disproportionately affects exporters of energy-intensive products like steel and aluminum. That is why international trade rules have generally been averse to treating domestic and imported goods differently on the basis of their production processes; it is too easy to disguise protectionism under the guise of non-discrimination.The better argument, and one that would apply equally to the IRA and the CBAM, is that the climate challenge is too important to be overshadowed by trade and competitiveness considerations. Letting governments introduce ambitious environmental programs to promote renewable energy, regardless of the impact on other countries, might just be the most feasible path to decarbonization.China is a case in point. Years of high subsidies for the country’s solar and wind industries turned Chinese firms into world champions, and China into the world’s preeminent renewable-energy producer. With American and European firms priced out of global markets, the West admonished China for its egregious favoritism.But while the Chinese subsidies may have disadvantaged Western firms, they were also one of the best things that a government ever did to fight climate change. By enabling firms to scale up much faster than they otherwise would have, these policies helped to cut the cost of <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.google.com/url?sa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%26esrc%3Ds%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D%26cad%3Drja%26uact%3D8%26ved%3D2ahUKEwiy9KybsfD7AhXnT98KHWfyAKwQFnoECBUQAQ%26url%3Dhttps%253A%252F%252Fwww.fastcompany.com%252F90583426%252Fthe-price-of-solar-electricity-has-dropped-89-in-10-years%26usg%3DAOvVaw0gm3EgL3tySWvC_1Ac153W&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw2XxgKe3TWcX0ldWmhHIHFw" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/Uit_9xylv9lz?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">solar power</a> by 90% and to halve the price of <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.google.com/url?sa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%26esrc%3Ds%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D%26cad%3Drja%26uact%3D8%26ved%3D2ahUKEwiyjtirsfD7AhXqhOAKHdXZDawQFnoECBQQAQ%26url%3Dhttps%253A%252F%252Fwww.energy.gov%252Feere%252Fwind%252Farticles%252Fexperts-predict-50-lower-wind-costs-they-did-2015-0%26usg%3DAOvVaw1OPdkhLU4rB0RnJ7QZteXC&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw1OxzJmCR3l2cl3Cd1817BC" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/rTH4KLdr3VxX?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">wind power</a>, enabling these technologies to become commercially viable enough to compete with carbon. Notwithstanding the hit to foreign competitors, China has made an undeniable contribution to solving humanity’s most pressing challenge.Of course, it might be possible to achieve better, less acrimonious outcomes by encouraging greater international cooperation on green policies. My Harvard colleague Jeffrey Frankel, for example, argues that disputes over the CBAM and IRA <a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/wto-should-enforce-carbon-border-taxes-by-jeffrey-frankel-2022-11&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw2DQEJelWxd0uiFH5yKeXx9" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/dM6cPTjYSwM5?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">should be adjudicated</a> by the World Trade Organization. As he points out, the WTO does allow countries to pursue independent policies for environmental reasons. But the WTO is not the right forum for determining the circumstances under which trade rules should constrain green measures, or whether these measures should be constrained at all.The WTO’s general presumption is that governments should pursue non-trade objectives – such as environmental sustainability or public health – so long as they do not distort trade. Similarly, the logic of mainstream trade economists assumes that efficiency and other public-policy goals can be neatly separable. Accordingly, non-discriminatory free trade is always possible if governments implement the right policies. Sustainability goals, in particular, could be met by pricing schemes (or equivalent quantity targets) that induce firms to internalize the costs of environmental externalities without distorting trade.In the real world, however, governments pursuing green policies face administrative and political hurdles that require messy deals to bring opponents and potential losers on board. The IRA and the CBAM were both predicated on such bargains, promising jobs and profits to domestic producers in exchange for their agreement to a green transition that might otherwise be costly for them. In such circumstances, it would be difficult, and perhaps inappropriate, for global trade panels to render judgment on the availability of alternative instruments and second-guess domestic political tradeoffs.Even when the conflict is more conventionally commercial, as was the case with the Chinese solar and wind subsidies, it is unclear whether we should let trade rules stand in the way when the measures in question advance the global decarbonization effort.In an ideal world, climate change would be addressed through a globally coordinated set of policies combining carbon pricing, non-discriminatory subsidies for green technologies, and transfers from high-income to lower-income countries. But in the world as it is, our only chance to ensure a sustainable future depends on a hodge-podge of national policies that will be wildly diverse and driven by complicated local considerations. We should not be trade purists and let the perfect become the enemy of the good.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Dani Rodrik, Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard Kennedy School, is President of the International Economic Association and the author of&nbsp;<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691177847/straight-talk-on-trade&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw3dNT4d3a7eWb42fdeVX9V_" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/XeXxjgqUFr4X?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy</a>&nbsp;(Princeton University Press, 2017).<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2022.<a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.project-syndicate.org&source=gmail&ust=1671105166986000&usg=AOvVaw37hYBihH6rJ1NTNhZjRMgo" fr-original-style="" href='https://link.apos.to/c/6zN0uALJ7WFN?c=H6Xu9THrgpdhH4-ogxXJi&s=web' style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a>

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