Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;What Does the 9th Judicial Package Bring?</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Law: The Sinan Ateş Trial Has Started</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: The TURKSTAT Problem is Growing</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

We monitor the ongoings of Turkiye in the fields of the rule of law, economics, civil society, and politics.

The Freedom Observer

The Sinan Ateş Trial Has Started, The TURKSTAT Problem is Growing, What Does the 9th Judicial Package Bring?

What Does the 9th Judicial Package Bring?

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Constitutional Court's Annulments on the Change of the Government System</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Civil Liberties: Plans to Raise Exit Fees Abroad</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: What Does ISO 500 Tell Us?</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Constitutional Court's Annulments on the Change of the Government System, Plans to Raise Exit Fees Abroad, What Does ISO 500 Tell Us?

Plans to Raise Exit Fees Abroad

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Post-July 15 Trials</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Football in Turkey: The Political Face of Football in Turkey</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: High Inflation is Fueling the Debate on Exorbitant Prices</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Post-July 15 Trials, High Inflation is Fueling the Debate on Exorbitant Prices, The Political Face of Football in Turkey.

The Political Face of Football in Turkey

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Local Governments:&nbsp;Government Rehearses Trustee in Van</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution: Constitutional Court Annuls Some Provisions of the Law Targeting Civil Society</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Trade with Israel: Trade with Israel and Freedom of the Press.</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Government Rehearses Trustee in Van, Constitutional Court Annuls Some Provisions of the Law Targeting Civil Society, Trade with Israel and Freedom of the Press.

Trade with Israel and Freedom of the Press

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;The Future of the Constitutional Court</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Local Elections: Towards Local Elections: TRT</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: The Ministry of Commerce Steps in to Determine Bread and Bagel Prices</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

The Future of the Constitutional Court, The Ministry of Commerce Steps in to Determine Bread and Bagel Prices, Towards Local Elections: TRT. 

Towards Local Elections: TRT

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Council of Europe's Memorandum on Freedom of Expression in Turkey</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution: Erdogan: "This is my last election."</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: Election Marathon and Electoral Economics in Turkey (I)</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Council of Europe's Memorandum on Freedom of Expression in Turkey, Election Marathon and Electoral Economics in Turkey (I), Erdogan: "This is my last election."

Erdogan: "This is my last election."

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Legislative:&nbsp;What Does the 8th Judicial Package Bring?</li><li fr-original-style="text-align: left;" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution: The retrial of Gezi Trial Defendants Continues</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: Latest on Crypto Law&nbsp;</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

The retrial of Gezi Trial Defendants Continues, Latest on Crypto Law, What Does the 8th Judicial Package Bring?

What Does the 8th Judicial Package Bring?

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Turkish Parliament Prefers Non-Compliance with the Constitution</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Corruption Perception Index: Corruption and Perception of Corruption in Turkey</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: Another (!) Earthquake at the Central Bank</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Turkish Parliament Prefers Non-Compliance with the Constitution, Another (!) Earthquake at the Central Bank, Corruption and Perception of Corruption in Turkey.

Corruption and Perception of Corruption in Turkey

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Annulment of Censorship Provision </li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">"Sermon" Crisis: Imam and District Governor's 'Sermon' Crisis.&nbsp;</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: Turkey's Export and Currency Test</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Annulment of Censorship Provision, Turkey's Export and Currency Test, Imam and District Governor's 'Sermon' Crisis. 

Imam and District Governor's 'Sermon' Crisis

Greetings from the latest issue of The Freedom Observer,Here's what we've monitored for you this week:<ul fr-original-style="" style="margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Constitution:&nbsp;Draft Regulation on the Surname of a Married Woman</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Legislative: Silence of MPs</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Economy: "Cryptocurrency Law" Update from Minister Şimşek</li></ul>We wish you a pleasant reading,

Draft Regulation on the Surname of a Married Woman, Silence of MPs, "Cryptocurrency Law" Update from Minister Şimşek.

"Cryptocurrency Law" Update from Minister Şimşek

Politika hakkında yayımlanan makaleler ve yayınlar

Politika

Sosyal farkındalık hakkında yayımlanan makaleler ve yayınlar

Sosyal Farkındalık

Ekonomi hakkında yayımlanmış makalaler ve yayınlar

Ekonomi

The 9th Judicial Package, which the government announced it has been working on for a long time, has been submitted to the Parliament.1&nbsp;The proposal, titled "Proposal for the Amendment of Certain Laws," consists of 39 articles, including the practical and executive articles, and envisages amendments to 19 laws.Rather than providing solutions to the judiciary's deep-rooted problems, this package mainly introduces new regulations to replace some of the rules annulled by the Constitutional Court. It is noted that the "influence agency" regulation, which was included in the text leaked to the public and caused reactions, is not included in this proposal. We hope this regulation, which would completely shelve the freedoms of expression and association, will not be included in this proposal again during the Commission or General Assembly negotiations.On the other hand, it is seen that calls for a general amnesty or an execution arrangement and an arrangement to remedy the injustices suffered by those under Statutory Decree Laws were not heeded, and no such arrangement was included in the proposal. However, there is an urgent need for regulation in this regard. The ECtHR has notified the government of three thousand applications in batches of 200 as a continuation of the Yüksel Yalçınkaya judgment. In addition to these, other groups of applications filed by applicants who were tried and sentenced for alleged FETÖ membership have also been notified to the government, and these notifications also include questions regarding Article 7 of the Convention, which regulates the principle of no crime and punishment without law. The likelihood of a violation decision in these applications is very high. In that case, a systemic solution would be inevitable for all FETÖ trials. Therefore, it is imperative for the government to find a solution without waiting for thousands of violation decisions.A significant part of the regulations in the proposal is related to the issues canceled by the Constitutional Court and includes new regulations by the grounds for cancellation. Since the offense of defamation has become a source of income for many people, hundreds of thousands of defamation complaints are made every year due to social media posts, and prosecutors and courts deal with these complaints. The proposal includes some regulations in this regard. A maximum period of two years is envisaged for filing a complaint. In addition, the practice of reconciliation for the offense of defamation is abolished, and prepayment is introduced. However, it is clear that these regulations will not solve the problem. For a permanent solution, defamation should be completely decriminalized, and those who claim to have been defamed should file a lawsuit for compensation in civil courts.Article 187 of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721, which regulates the surname of married women and was annulled by the Constitutional Court, is rearranged with Article 15 of the proposal. However, as we have covered in previous issues of this bulletin, the proposed regulation is the same provision that was annulled by the Constitutional Court. In other words, the government refuses to comply with the Constitutional Court's decision. This, of course, also means that the ECtHR judgment will not be complied with. As mentioned before, both the ECtHR and the Constitutional Court have ruled that denying married women the right to use the surname they had before marriage alone constitutes gender discrimination. Despite this, the government wants to re-enact the same provision that was annulled by the Constitutional Court.The preamble of the article states that “Article 41 of the Constitution recognizes that the family is the foundation of Turkish society. Considering the importance of the family, the use of separate surnames by the mother and father may have negative effects on the child, and which surname the child will use will become a separate issue of discussion. This situation may harm the integrity of the family, which is the foundation of Turkish society. For this reason, the provision of the law that was annulled by the Constitutional Court has been reorganized, stating that the married woman will take her husband's surname, but she can also use her previous surname in front of her husband's surname if she wishes...”. If the proposal is enacted in its current form, it is clear that this provision will be in violation of the Constitution and international human rights conventions to which Turkey is a party. This text will be annulled again by the Constitutional Court on the grounds that it violates Article 153 of the Constitution (the provision on the binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decisions), and this provision will not be enforceable as per Article 90 of the Constitution. The courts will decide that women should use their premarital surnames based on international conventions, as they have been doing since 2014.

Rather than providing solutions to the judiciary's deep-rooted problems, this package mainly introduces new regulations to replace some of the rules annulled by the Constitutional Court.

The trial of Sinan Ateş, the former President of the Grey Wolves' Hearths who lost his life in an assassination attempt in Ankara, started at Ankara 32nd High Criminal Court. Twenty-two arrested defendants appeared before the judge for the first time in the hearing held on July 1. Among the detainees are former executives of the Grey Wolves and MHP members. During the hearing, the shooter, Eray Özyağcı, denied all his statements, while the alleged instigator, Doğukan Çep, claimed that he was "the main actor of the case." At the hearing where the interim decision was made, ten defendants who were arrested were released on judicial control conditions. Sinan Ateş's wife, Ayşe Ateş, reacted to the interim verdict by saying, "The theater of conspiracy supported by the press and social media, which witnessed the efforts of the defendants and defense attorneys to reduce a political murder to a case of credit and debit for five days in the Sincan campus, ended today."The court also rejected the request to merge the 17 suspects' separate investigation files with the main case. In the first session of the hearing, the lawyers of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) requested to participate in the case. The court unanimously rejected the request for participation on the grounds that "MHP does not have the title of victim of the crime."Ayşe Ateş says that since the police statement and the investigation phase, the attempt to shed light on the murder has been hampered by concerns about protecting someone. Ateş stated that the indictment ignored important information about her husband's death, disregarded the testimonies of some key witnesses, and removed some suspects from the file. She also claimed that there were political reasons behind the dismissal of some prosecutors during the trial. As there has been no satisfactory explanation or investigation into Ayşe Ateş's allegations, the public has raised serious doubts about the due process of the case.The murder of Sinan Ateş is one of the most significant incidents of recent years that has damaged the sense of justice, the demand for clean politics, and trust in the judiciary. This murder has shown us how violent political infighting in Turkey can be. The manner in which the investigation and prosecution were carried out also reveals how the rule of law was violated. It has also brought back the traditional issues of the relationship between politics, the judiciary, and the structures within the state. Finally, the unsolved murders that marked our recent political history have been replaced by "forensic" cases whose perpetrators are known but cannot be brought to justice despite social pressure.

The murder of Sinan Ateş is one of the most significant incidents of recent years that has damaged the sense of justice, the demand for clean politics, and trust in the judiciary. This murder has shown us how violent political infighting in Turkey can be. The manner in which the investigation and prosecution were carried out also reveals how the rule of law was violated.

The Sinan Ateş Trial Has Started

TURKSTAT, which has been in the spotlight with its constantly changing management staff and the inflation rates it announces at critical times, has once again been at the center of discussion this week. Ekonomim newspaper columnist Alaattin Aktaş's July 8 article on TURKSTAT's product item prices caused quite a stir.2 After this controversial article, TURKSTAT President Erhan Çetinkaya held a press conference the next day to try to clear up the question marks. Still, his answers only raised even more questions.In his article, Alaattin Aktaş took the consumer goods whose average prices were last announced in April 2022 and brought them to today's price based on the price changes in the item groups to which the products belong, attempting to roughly show the current prices used by TURKSTAT in product calculations. For example, in April 2022, TURKSTAT announced the average tomato price as 18.53 TL and did not announce product prices afterward. However, TURKSTAT regularly announces the prices for the fruit and vegetable group to which tomatoes belong every month.According to TURKSTAT, there has been an increase of 54.84% in the fruit and vegetable group from April 2022 to June 2024. Based on this information, Aktaş tried to find the current prices of all fruits and vegetables by extrapolating the 54.84% increase to today and found, for example, the current price of tomatoes to be 28.69 TL. Alaattin Aktaş's calculation, as if all fruits and vegetables have increased at the same rate, is technically incorrect. Moreover, it is also possible that the average rent is 5844 TL, which is also possible in terms of the inflation calculation method (a situation related to being a tenant or not). What matters in inflation measurement is not the price level but the price change percentage. As a matter of fact, according to TURKSTAT, rents have increased by 314% in this period. But in general, the article still helps to get an idea.The day after this article, TURKSTAT Governor Erhan Çetinkaya held a press conference that drew a lot of reactions. President Çetinkaya claimed they are one of the countries that announce the inflation rate as early as the third of the month. However, he gave a contradictory answer to why product prices were not announced, saying it was difficult to reach by the third of the month. Previously, the agency had stated that "we prefer not to publish product prices because the announcement of product prices causes misleading interpretations." This statement noted that it was not announced because it did not reach the third of the month, not due to misinterpretation.Erhan Çetinkaya, the head of TURKSTAT, made another strange statement: "I think we need to examine what is the difference between inflation at 75% and inflation at 45%. There is no difference. Prices are rising again." 3&nbsp;As inflation rises, uncertainties increase, firms have difficulty in pricing and even increase margins by not taking risks against possible increases in costs. Moreover, it is impossible not to see a difference when credit costs rise even more as inflation increases, making many projects unfeasible and further increasing inequality and poverty.As a matter of fact, all the tightening steps taken by the Central Bank over the last year are aimed at reducing inflation from 70% to 40% by the end of this year.In addition to these bizarre defenses, the head of TURKSTAT, Çetinkaya, claimed that the rise in prices was due to exorbitant profits, in a sense taking the blame for the increase in prices off the government and putting it on big companies. There is no institutional basis for such a statement, and the institution has neither the authority nor the methodology to determine exorbitant prices. Moreover, blaming the business world contradicts the government's policies that primarily affect the poor. Erdal Bahçıvan, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Istanbul Chamber of Industry, reacted to this accusation, which Çetinkaya made by going beyond his duties and authorities as the President of TURKSTAT, summarizing the situation with a tweet: "Instead of going beyond the scope of his duties today and accusing some segments of society about inflation, TURKSTAT should have provided a more convincing explanation to the questions about the inflation calculation method, which was wondered by society in general."4As a result, this debate is likely to continue as long as inflation remains high and the public sector's influence on wages remains significant. Public intervention in wages and prices deepens the inflation problem and undermines confidence in the economy. The new economic administration, in particular, and the government, in general, suffer from this loss of confidence.* Dr. Caner Gerek<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;"> https://cdn.tbmm.gov.tr/KKBSPublicFile/D28/Y2/T2/WebOnergeMetni/c3d4bbf9-eb20-4e80-ac3d-e7772a54c139.pdf2 https://www.ekonomim.com/kose-yazisi/iste-tuikin-devlet-sirri-gibi-sakladigi-madde-fiyatlari/7531143 https://www.bloomberght.com/tuik-baskani-acikladi-haziran-enflasyonu-neden-dusuk-geldi-23561034 https://x.com/erdal_bahcivan/status/1810699426211545248

As a result, this debate is likely to continue as long as inflation remains high and the public sector's influence on wages remains significant. Public intervention in wages and prices deepens the inflation problem and undermines confidence in the economy. The new economic administration, in particular, and the government, in general, suffer from this loss of confidence.

The TURKSTAT Problem is Growing

With its decision published in the Official Gazette dated June 4, 20241 , the Constitutional Court has annulled many provisions of Decree-Law No. 703, which facilitated the transition to the Presidential Government System. As it will be remembered, Constitutional Amendment Law No. 6771, which was adopted by the April 16, 2017 referendum, completely changed the government system by making fundamental amendments to the Constitution, replacing the parliamentary government system with a new Presidential system. Paragraph (B) of Provisional Article 21, added to the Constitution by Article 17 of the Constitutional Amendment Law No. 6771, stipulates that the amendments to the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament and other necessary legal arrangements required by the system change shall be made by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey within six months from the publication date of the Law. However, the necessary legal amendments were not made by the Turkish Grand National Assembly within the period stipulated in the Constitution, and the Turkish Grand National Assembly decided to hold early elections in April 2018 and enacted the Authorization Law No. 7142 authorizing the Council of Ministers to issue decrees to make the legal amendments required by the system change after the early elections.Following the elections held on June 24, 2018, the Council of Ministers adopted Decree-Law No. 703 on July 2, 2018, containing 233 main and 16 provisional articles, and this Decree-Law entered into force after being published in the Official Gazette on July 9, 2018, the day the President was sworn in. Decree-Law 703 also included provisions regulating many issues unrelated to the change in the government system. It should be noted that although this Decree-Law consists of 249 articles, it made a very comprehensive and cumulative change in the legal system as each article envisaged amendments to numerous articles of various laws.In the annulment lawsuit filed by the Republican People’s Party group, a three-stage argument of unconstitutionality was presented.&nbsp;Firstly,&nbsp;the entire Decree Law, which was issued on the day the Council of Ministers’ term of office and the authorization law expired, is unconstitutional, and therefore, its annulment was requested on the grounds of unconstitutionality.&nbsp;Secondly, it was argued that many provisions of the Decree Law are contrary to the abrogated Article 91 of the Constitution on the grounds that they are not covered by the authorization law or that they regulate issues that the Constitution prohibits from being regulated by a Decree Law. In this context, the annulment of 87 articles of the Decree Law was requested.&nbsp;Thirdly, the annulment of 37 articles was requested on the grounds that they contain provisions substantively contrary to the Constitution.The Constitutional Court separated the annulment requests regarding 31 different articles of the Decree Law and assigned them different substantive numbers. It examined the case for the other articles and rejected the annulment request for the entire Decree Law. The Court did not interpret Provisional Article 21 (B) of the Constitution as an exclusive authorization and accepted that it was possible to regulate by decree-law. The Court rejected the objections regarding the duration of the Decree Law by not mentioning the publication date of the Decree Law and instead analyzing it based on the date of adoption. However, the publication of the Decree Law is a constitutive element for its effectiveness, and the failure to discuss the scope of the authorization in this respect is a serious deficiency. The Constitutional Court’s rejection of the annulment request for the entire Decree Law is controversial for both reasons.The Constitutional Court has annulled around 60 different articles of the Decree Law. The annulled provisions span many different laws. The grounds for annulment include the regulation not falling within the scope of the authorization law, regulating areas that cannot be controlled by a decree law, and being fundamentally unconstitutional. It should be noted that the Constitutional Court issued this decision nearly six years later.&nbsp;Nevertheless, the decision revealed that a significant part of the powers used in the new system are unconstitutional. However, this annulment decision did not resolve the problems of unconstitutionality and instead created a more chaotic situation.The Constitutional Court postponed the entry into force of some annulment decisions on 42 different articles for 12 months. The annulment decisions on 26 different articles entered into force upon the publication of the decision. Some of these annulment provisions directly authorize the President, while others are provisions of the Law repealed by Executive Decree 703. Ordinarily, the TGNA should first make new regulations regarding the annulled provisions that have entered into force and then make the necessary regulations for the postponed provisions within the time limit. However, the TGNA still needs to make the necessary arrangements in response to the Constitutional Court’s annulment decisions. The TGNA’s failure to make the necessary arrangements will create severe gaps in the legal order.Some of the issues annulled by the Constitutional Court have already been regulated by presidential decrees, and the President has been exercising these powers. However, it is observed that the presidential decrees were issued in place of the provisions of the Law repealed by Decree Law No. 703, even though the Constitutional Court annulled these provisions of Decree Law No. 703. Since the decisions of the Constitutional Court are not retroactive, the provisions repealed by the annulled decrees will not automatically enter into force. If the TGNA does not enact any law, the Constitutional Court’s annulment will have no tangible consequences, and the powers will continue to be exercised in violation of the Constitution. The new regime’s willingness to abide by the Constitution and the Law will be tested again with this decision.

If the TGNA does not enact any law, the Constitutional Court’s annulment will have no tangible consequences, and the powers will continue to be exercised in violation of the Constitution. The new regime’s willingness to abide by the Constitution and the Law will be tested again with this decision.

Constitutional Court's Annulments

The fee for traveling abroad is expected to be raised significantly. According to the draft regulation first reported by Fırat Kozok of Bloomberg, the fee for traveling abroad, which is 150 TL, is set to increase to 1500 TL in July.2 Some sources claim that the fee could be raised to 3000 TL. Fortunately, it was revealed that the 3000 TL proposal was based on an older document.3 Although the exact percentage of the increase has not yet been finalized, it is certain that there will be an increase much higher than the “revaluation” rate.As the news of the hike spread on traditional and social media, some citizens thought that buying stamps at the current price would be a solution. However, shortly thereafter, the Revenue Administration announced that stockpiling stamps would not be a solution to avoid the increase: “The departure fee must be paid at the rate in effect on the date of departure. Therefore, buying stamps or paying the fee in advance does not exempt one from paying the rate in effect on the date of departure.”4&nbsp;Political parties have also raised their voices against this exaggerated hike that has preoccupied the public. IYI Party deputy Kürşad Zorlu submitted a proposal to the Turkish Grand National Assembly to abolish the fee entirely. Hometown Party leader Muharrem İnce asked the government, “For what service is the fee charged to citizens traveling abroad?” CHP leader Özgür Özel said, “They intend to increase the fee for traveling abroad from 150 liras to 3 thousand liras. Everything from needles to threads will see an increase.”If it rises to 1500 liras, Turkey will become the country that charges its citizens the highest departure fee at approximately 45 dollars. Turkey is already one of the countries with the highest passport fees in the world, and with the significant increase in the departure fee stamp, along with the taxes and fees paid when buying a plane ticket, Turkey will become one of the most expensive countries for its citizens to travel abroad from. The economic crisis, the depreciating Turkish lira, and visa costs are already making it difficult for Turkish citizens to travel abroad, and with this hike, it will become even more challenging.One of the potential consequences of this would be a reduction in the number of people traveling abroad for vacations, thereby driving demand to the domestic market and ultimately making it more costly to vacation in Turkey, especially on the Mediterranean and Aegean coasts. As is well known, these regions’ accommodation and food and beverage prices are quite high. Many social media users have shared posts showing that the Greek islands are much cheaper and that they have vacationed there for less than in Turkey. Now, with the expected regulation, an exit fee almost as much as the cost of the visa will be added to the cost calculations of these people. In this case, the demand for domestic vacation destinations may increase, causing prices in Turkey to rise even further.It should also be noted that this draft regulation restricts the freedom of movement of the country’s citizens.5&nbsp; According to legal expert Gönenç Gürkaynak, this high rate of increase, if implemented, would violate Article 23 of the Constitution. Gürkaynak argues that, even though it is called a fee, there is no definition of a separate public service directly linked to this amount. In other words, Turkish citizens cannot obtain public service by traveling abroad. Therefore, this should be seen as a tax, not a fee.On the other hand, Article 23 of the Constitution stipulates that the freedom to travel abroad can only be restricted by a judge’s decision due to a criminal investigation or prosecution, preventing citizens from traveling abroad if they do not pay the aforementioned tax amounts to an “unjustified, disproportionate and unjustifiable restriction” of the freedom to travel guaranteed by the Constitution. According to Gürkaynak, this situation may lead to the following scenario: “While those who owe 100 million TL in income tax or who are being sued for 100 million TL for causing public damage can travel abroad without a court ruling, the same constitutional freedom of travel cannot be enjoyed by those who have not paid their departure tax at that moment.

If it rises to 1500 liras, Turkey will become the country that charges its citizens the highest departure fee at approximately 45 dollars. Turkey is already one of the countries with the highest passport fees in the world, and with the significant increase in the departure fee stamp, along with the taxes and fees paid when buying a plane ticket, Turkey will become one of the most expensive countries for its citizens to travel abroad from.

The Istanbul Chamber of Industry has published its 2023 survey of Turkey’s 500 largest industrial companies. According to the results, the sales of ISO 500 companies in 2023 increased by 42% compared to the previous year. It is noteworthy that turnover, which increased by 119% in 2022, grew at a lower rate in 2023. When the turnover data is adjusted for inflation and analyzed in real terms, a contraction of 13% actually emerged. While 25% of sales in production came from the top 10 companies, the share of the top 50 companies was 51.2%. The increase in pre-tax profitability was 32.9%, lower than the increase in turnover. This real decline in turnover and profitability shows that Turkey’s largest industrial companies are now negatively affected by the inflationary environment, contrary to public perception.Recently, it has been argued that large corporations have been raising prices more than the inflation rate, causing inflation to be higher and thus benefiting from super profits and the inflationary environment. The decline in global demand, the adverse effects of the February earthquake, and the change in economic policies are the main reasons for these results.<figure fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><img src="https://images.aposto.com/2024/6/4/1720078488712.png" alt="A graph with green and red lines

Description automatically generated" ratio="1.79" width="550" style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px; vertical-align: middle; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" fr-original-style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></figure><figure fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><img src="https://images.aposto.com/2024/6/4/1720078488968.png" alt="A graph with a line and numbers

Description automatically generated" ratio="1.79" width="550" style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px; vertical-align: middle; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" fr-original-style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></figure>On the export side, exports of the 500 largest companies fell by 2.9% in dollar terms to 95.1 billion dollars. Nevertheless, despite the decline in the global recessionary environment, it is evident that they generally performed well. In 2024, the fact that some of the costs of these companies increase at the rate of inflation while their revenues do not increase due to the flat course of the exchange rate will make their exports more difficult. The share of the top 500 companies in total exports was 37%.Aside from the erosion of profits due to inflation, 96 out of 500 companies announced losses in 2023. In 2022, the number of loss-making companies was 58. The report also emphasizes that companies recorded foreign exchange losses for the first time in a long time. While companies’ profitability is declining, financing costs are increasing rapidly. In 2023, financing costs increased at a very high rate of 92.5%.As a result of this increase, 56.9% of the companies’ operating profit went to financing expenses. There is a minimal increase of approximately 15 thousand people on the employment side. Still, considering that the companies in question are the largest in Turkey, this is quite insufficient regarding the employment growth Turkey needs.While the overall data is harmful, the top 500 companies shift their production towards medium-high and high technology. The share of medium-high technology increased from 27.2% to 30.3%, while the share of high technology increased from 6.2% to 7.1%. Thus, the total share of high-tech increased significantly from 33.4% to 37.4%.<figure fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><img src="https://images.aposto.com/2024/6/4/1720078489044.png" alt="A group of pie charts

Description automatically generated" ratio="1.79" width="550" style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px; vertical-align: middle; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" fr-original-style="width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></figure>Looking at the ISO 500 list in general, the largest company is Tüpraş, which has production sales of 484 billion. The third-largest company, Star Refinery, is also a refinery company. It is seen that 6 of the top 13 companies operate in the automotive sector: Ford Otomotiv, Toyota Otomotiv, Oyak-Renault, Mercedes Benz, Tofaş Otomotiv, and Hyundai Assan Otomotiv. We see a concentration in the largest companies when we add Ereğli and İskenderun Demir Çelik to these companies. Looking at the sectoral distribution of the top 500, 22.5% of the companies operate in the primary metals and machinery manufacturing industry. In contrast, the chemical products, plastics, and rubber products industry accounts for 19.7%, and the land, marine vehicles, and sub-industry for 17.7% of the top 500. There is also a concentration problem in the geographical distribution of the top 500 companies. Istanbul and Ankara are home to 196 of the 500 companies, or roughly 40%.Gramaltın Kıymetli Madenler Rafineri San. ve Tic. A.Ş. has risen quite rapidly this year, reaching as high as 9th place. Another remarkable situation is that the defense industry climbed up the list. The largest company in the defense industry was TAI, which moved up 13 places to 17th place, while Aselsan moved up one spot to 19th and Roketsan moved up 15 places to 50th.General ISO 500 ProfileLooking at the ISO 500 list in general, the largest company is Tüpraş, which has production sales of 484 billion. The third-largest company, Star Refinery, is also a refinery company. It is seen that 6 of the top 13 companies operate in the automotive sector: Ford Otomotiv, Toyota Otomotiv, Oyak-Renault, Mercedes Benz, Tofaş Otomotiv, and Hyundai Assan Otomotiv. We see a concentration in the largest companies when we add Ereğli and İskenderun Demir Çelik to these companies. Looking at the sectoral distribution of the top 500, 22.5% of the companies operate in the primary metals and machinery manufacturing industry. In contrast, the chemical, plastics, and rubber industries account for 19.7%, and the land, marine vehicles, and sub-industry for 17.7% of the top 500. There is also a concentration problem in the geographical distribution of the top 500 companies. Istanbul and Ankara are home to 196 of the 500 companies, or roughly 40%.Gramaltın Kıymetli Madenler Rafineri San. ve Tic. A.Ş. has risen quite rapidly this year, reaching as high as 9th place. Another remarkable situation is that the defense industry climbed up the list. The largest company in the defense industry was TAI, which moved up 13 places to 17th place, while Aselsan moved up one place to 19th and Roketsan moved up 15 places to 50th.* Dr. Caner Gerek<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;"> 1AYM, E.2018/117, K.2023/212, 07/12/2023. Karar metnine şuradan erişilebilir: &nbsp;https://normkararlarbilgibankasi.anayasa.gov.tr/ND/2023/2122https://tr.euronews.com/2024/06/23/yurt-disi-cikis-harcina-10-kat-zam-yeni-vergi-paketinden-cikarilmadi&nbsp;3https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/yurt-disi-cikis-harci-3-bin-tlye-mi-cikiyor-gibin-onerisi-eski-cikti-haberi-7329764https://www.trthaber.com/haber/ekonomi/gibden-yurt-disina-cikis-harci-aciklamasi-yururlukteki-tutarlar-odenmesi-gerekir-863728.html&nbsp;5https://x.com/GurkaynakGonenc/status/1802249038281998694

Gramaltın Kıymetli Madenler Rafineri San. ve Tic. A.Ş. has risen quite rapidly this year, reaching as high as 9th place. Another remarkable situation is that the defense industry climbed up the list. The largest company in the defense industry was TAI, which moved up 13 places to 17th place, while Aselsan moved up one place to 19th and Roketsan moved up 15 places to 50th.

What Does ISO 500 Tell Us?

The European Court of Human Rights continues to hand down rulings on violations concerning the proceedings that followed the events of July 15. Most notably, on April 23, 2024, the Court ruled in the case of Aydın Sefa Akay[1]&nbsp; His arrest, along with the searches of his home and person, violated the European Convention on Human Rights. At the time of these events, Akay, a retired ambassador and former permanent representative of Turkey to the Council of Europe, was serving as a judge on the UN International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, which handles appeals from the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia. The applicant served as a judge on the Rwandan Court from 2002 to 2011 and was appointed by the UN General Assembly to the Residual Mechanism in 2011. The UN Secretary-General extended his mandate for two years on June 1, 2016. On July 8, 2016, he was appointed as an Appeals Judge in the case of Prosecutor v. Augustin Ngirabatware by the Chief Judge of the Mechanism. While working remotely from Turkey, the applicant was arrested in the aftermath of the attempted coup d'état on allegations of membership in FETÖ. This arrest was part of a broader investigation into Foreign Affairs personnel. It was based on accusations of using the ByLock messaging app and discovering two books while searching his home.The applicant's lawyer argued for his release on the grounds that he possesses diplomatic immunity as an international judge, claiming that his arrest and search violated this immunity. On October 25, 2016, the UN Office of Legal Affairs sent a formal note to Turkey's Permanent Mission to the UN, asserting the applicant's diplomatic immunity under Article 29 of the Statute of the Mechanism and requesting the immediate cessation of his detention and all legal proceedings. However, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs contended that the applicant's immunity was mission-specific and did not extend to actions against his state. Despite these international appeals, Turkish courts upheld the detention based on the Ministry's stance, and the applicant was only released by the first instance court after a conviction. Subsequent appeals, including those to the Constitutional Court, were dismissed without substantive legal debate, relying solely on the Ministry's assertion.On January 17, 2017, the Mechanism held a hearing to address the applicant's case; however, despite being invited, State representatives did not attend the hearing or make any legal submissions. Subsequently, on January 31, 2017, the Chief Judge of the Mechanism formally requested the Turkish Government to suspend all proceedings against the applicant and to secure his release by February 14, 2017. The Mechanism's ruling highlighted that under Article 29 of its Statute, the judges' immunity is considered absolute, as delineated in Chapter V of the 1946 Convention on the Immunities and Privileges of the United Nations, and can only be waived by the UN Secretary-General. However, the Turkish Government and Courts did not consider these requests, and the applicant was tried and convicted. this conviction was upheld by the Court of Cassation and became final. &nbsp;The applicant was arrested again after the finalization of the judgment and is still serving his sentence.For the first time in its history, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled that the detention of an international judge was unlawful. The Court underscored that, as a UN judge, the applicant's diplomatic immunity was personal, extending beyond official duties, and applicable to all states, including his own. Furthermore, the Court highlighted that such immunity could only be waived by the UN Secretary-General if justice so required. As a result, the Court determined that the applicant's arrest and the searches of his home and person breached his inviolability, thereby finding that these actions unlawfully interfered with his right to liberty and security and his right to respect for private life as guaranteed by the Convention. Consequently, these actions were deemed violations of Articles 5 and 8 of the Convention.The Court based its judgment solely on the issue of immunity, choosing not to address the allegations related to the ByLock messaging app. Ultimately, the applicant was awarded EUR 28,000 in compensation.With this decision of the ECtHR, a new one has been added to the judgments on the unlawfulness of the post-July 15 trials. On April 29, the Court notified the government of 1,000 new applications related to the post-July 15 trials and stated that it did not want any defense other than factual issues. As long as the government's indifference to comply with the ECtHR's judgments continues, the violation judgments will continue. Each new violation decision means that the perception of lawlessness in the country becomes entrenched and entrenched. More importantly, it confirms that the judicial mechanism does not function pretty.<a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" target="_blank" title="" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a>

As long as the government's indifference to comply with the ECtHR's judgments continues, the violation judgments will continue. Each new violation decision means that the perception of lawlessness in the country becomes entrenched and entrenched. More importantly, it confirms that the judicial mechanism does not function pretty.

Post-July 15 Trials

In Turkey, soccer transcends mere sport, becoming a phenomenon deeply entwined with political dynamics and mirroring existing power structures. Recent debates surrounding the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) have highlighted this complex relationship. In this bulletin, we will explore critical issues ranging from referee decisions and attacks on referees to controversial rulings by the TFF and the government's politicization of football.First, addressing the refereeing decisions that have become a weekly talking point is essential. Particularly in crucial matches, erroneous decisions have sparked significant dissatisfaction among fans and teams, raising public concerns about the impartiality of referees. Despite the introduction of the VAR system a few years ago to mitigate these controversies, it appears that VAR has, paradoxically, intensified debates over refereeing decisions. While VAR undoubtedly ensures fair judgment in many match situations, even with VAR reviews, incorrect decisions by referees now provoke stronger reactions than ever before. This discontent stems from club management and fans perceiving certain egregious decisions as deliberate bias against their teams, eroding trust in the justice of the game. Consequently, fans from nearly every team believe that football in Turkey is not played on an even field.Referees face criticism not only for their positioning during matches but also for their decisions—or lack thereof—in situations that compromise player safety. A notable instance occurred during Fenerbahçe's 3-2 victory over Trabzonspor when the referee chose not to halt the game despite the crowd throwing foreign objects onto the field. This decision set off a series of events that ultimately led to a post-match brawl involving Fenerbahçe players and Trabzonspor fans. It is essential to acknowledge that both the referee's passivity and the inadequate response from security forces contributed to the escalation of the incident.Furthermore, it is crucial to highlight the significant responsibility of the officials, particularly the Governor, for failing to implement adequate security measures at this historically contentious match, which has often been marred by unsportsmanlike behavior and the potential for violence. The shortsighted approach of the referee and security forces drew the ire of Fenerbahçe management and supporters on the grounds that the TFF had violated the conditions of fair competition, and an extraordinary general assembly was called. On April 2, an extraordinary general assembly was held, and Fenerbahçe's management was authorized to address critical issues, including withdrawal from the league.The situation that brought one of Turkey's premier clubs to contemplate withdrawing from the league did not stem from a single incident. Particularly with Fenerbahçe, a series of events—most notably the match-fixing scandal—has led the club's management and supporters to perceive that the AKP government and the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) have subjected the club to unfair treatment due to its 'republican' identity. However, there are numerous indications that the government favors Trabzonspor and that the Trabzonspor administration receives preferential treatment from the Turkish Football Federation (TFF). For instance, in a 2016 speech, Berat Albayrak noted, 'We have five ministers from Trabzonspor... Those who know us understand how intensely we work behind the scenes for Trabzon and Trabzonspor.' Additionally, various ministers, MPs, and mayors have publicly expressed their support for Trabzonspor.2The government's favoritism towards certain football clubs extends beyond mere verbal endorsements and includes financial entanglements. A complex and often opaque network of economic relationships between state institutions and football clubs—encompassing everything from stadium construction to debt deferral and municipal funding—positions some clubs more favorably than others. This intertwining of the commercial aspects of football with political interests transforms the sport into a multifaceted tool used for economic and political purposes. Consequently, the resulting mistrust in state institutions and the politicization of the sport are palpable on the football fields, transforming what should be apolitical competitions into arenas where politics are waged by other means.

Consequently, the resulting mistrust in state institutions and the politicization of the sport are palpable on the football fields, transforming what should be apolitical competitions into arenas where politics are waged by other means.

According to data released by the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce on May 1, April's inflation rate increased by 78.81% year-on-year and 4.89% month-on-month. These figures indicate that, despite being a third of the way through 2024, inflation is not showing signs of a downward trend. Although the Central Bank's new administration, which assumed office post-presidential elections, has implemented tightening policies, the persistent high inflation undermines its credibility. Nonetheless, the administration's recent appointment before the local elections has fueled expectations that more substantive measures will be taken afterward. Additionally, the keen interest of foreign investors in the post-local election landscape fosters a somewhat optimistic outlook among financial markets during this post-election period. However, it's important to note that public sentiment generally leans towards a contrary expectation.While the Central Bank's management aims to reduce the officially announced inflation rate to 36% by the end of the year, public trust in these figures remains low, with many believing the actual inflation rate is higher than reported. While it is familiar worldwide for households to perceive inflation as higher than official statistics suggest, the situation in Turkey in recent years has transcended mere perception. This discrepancy has created a divide between government and public inflation expectations. Despite this divergence, the government's strategy of blaming businesses for exorbitant prices resonates increasingly with the public amid the prolonged period of high inflation.In recent years, prices have surged to unprecedented levels due to a prolonged period of inflation, while household incomes have not risen comparably, leading to heightened scrutiny of pricing levels. Notably, the stability in the exchange rate lately has fostered a perception among citizens that current price hikes are not justified by cost increases. This is especially true for products that utilize low-cost inputs, where significant price increases lead the public to suspect businesses of opportunism. Indeed, social media is rife with posts criticizing these price discrepancies as disproportionate to the cost. However, defining what constitutes an 'exorbitant price' lacks a clear economic consensus and may contradict the principles of market dynamics. Recognizing prices as exorbitant could also pose risks to the functioning of the free market."In classical economics, prices are determined at an equilibrium point where supply meets demand. This point represents the price at which both producers and consumers are willing to transact. However, when prices deemed agreed upon by buyers and sellers are labeled as exorbitant, it implies these prices exceed what is considered reasonable or traditional limits. Such a definition presupposes a standard for what is conventional and sensible, yet it lacks clarity on how or where these boundaries should be established. Defining such a boundary suggests a belief in a 'right price' that contradicts the market-driven equilibrium price achieved through the natural interplay of supply and demand.If the market-determined equilibrium price is not accepted as the correct price and a non-market standard is imposed, it invites public intervention in pricing. This leads to calls for government control over enterprise pricing through regulatory oversight, paving the way for market interventions. Such interventions disrupt the natural equilibrium of the free market, potentially causing production issues over time and, in the long run, necessitating a return to market-based pricing—likely at higher prices due to inefficiencies. Furthermore, price interventions strip the pricing mechanism of its ability to signal resource allocation efficiently. Consequently, persistently high inflation encourages further market interventions. A recent example is the April 30th directive in the Official Gazette, which mandates that the pricing of bagels must involve the opinion of the Ministry of Trade.3 It seems that we will continue to talk about exorbitant prices and the AK Party government's interventions in the market in the coming periods.* Dr. Caner Gerek<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;"> 1Aydın Sefa Akay/Türkiye, no. 59/17, 23.04.2024, şuradan erişilebilir: https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-2332142https://www.karar.com/trabzonspora-destek-cikan-ak-partili-siyasilere-fenerbahcelilerden-tepki-14625923 https://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/eskiler/2024/04/20240430-12.htm

It seems that we will continue to talk about exorbitant prices and the AK Party government's interventions in the market in the coming periods.

High Inflation is Fueling the Debate on Exorbitant Prices

On April 2, 2024, amid the ongoing discussions regarding the political implications of the CHP's historic success in the March 31 local elections and the AKP's unprecedented position as the second party for the first time in its history, the Van Provincial Election Board made a controversial decision regarding the Van Metropolitan Municipality election. Despite Abdullah Zeydan, the candidate of the Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party), winning 55.48% of the votes, the board declared him ineligible for office. Instead, they announced that the mazbat (certificate of election) would be awarded to Abdulahat Arvas, the AKP candidate who secured 27.15% of the votes. The reason cited for this decision, which sparked outrage across the country, was the annulment of the Court's ruling on the restoration of Abdullah Zeydan's civil rights. In March 2023, Zeydan petitioned the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court for the reinstatement of his rights, and the Court ruled in his favor on April 4, 2023. As no appeals were lodged against this decision, it became final, with the annotation of finalization recorded in the Court's decision. Zeydan's candidacy was based on this finalized decision, which had been approved by the competent authorities.However, two days prior to the election, at the close of business hours, the Ministry of Justice lodged an objection, asserting that the decision had not been communicated to the Chief Public Prosecutor's Office. Subsequently, on March 29, 2024, the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court rendered a verdict to annul the ruling on the restoration of rights. The elections proceeded without public knowledge of this decision, and Zeydan emerged victorious with a significant margin of victory.Based on the decision of the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court, the AKP candidate lodged an appeal with the Provincial Electoral Board, which subsequently issued the controversial decision. Legal experts argue unanimously that the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court's decision to revoke its earlier ruling on the restoration of rights lacks legal basis and is therefore null and void. No court has the authority to annul or amend its decision on the grounds of its own error after dismissing the case. Only through recourse to the appropriate legal remedies can a decision be annulled or reversed by the competent authorities. Furthermore, it later became apparent that the claim that the decision of the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court was not communicated to the Chief Public Prosecutor's Office was unfounded. The decision was uploaded to UYAP (National Judiciary Informatics System), and, more significantly, the Chief Public Prosecutor's Office issued documentation regarding this decision.There have been widespread reactions from the public, civil society, and political parties, particularly from some AKP officials, in response to the decision of the Van Provincial Election Board. Street demonstrations have erupted in numerous locations, notably in Van. The internal turmoil within the ruling party underscores the government's lack of clear direction following the March 31st election results. Despite the harsh stance of certain bureaucrats associated with the palace circle, who perceive themselves as "state commissioners," towards AKP members who criticized the decision of the Van Provincial Election Board, their influence did not, at least for the time being, sway the decision of the Supreme Electoral Council (YSK). The YSK unanimously decided to grant Zeydan the mazbat, or certificate of election.In the rationale provided for the decision, it is asserted that the ruling of the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court dated March 29, 2024, is deemed null and void. It is emphasized that on March 31, 2024, the date of the election, there existed a legally valid decision regarding the restoration of Abdullah Zeydan's restricted rights, rendering him eligible for candidacy. The justification, spanning sixteen pages, outlines that the Ministry of Justice General Directorate of Judicial Registry and Statistics reviewed the decision of the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court dated April 4, 2023, on August 10, 2023. It was determined that this decision had been issued less than three years after the completion of the sentence's execution. Subsequently, the decision was forwarded to the Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor's Office for evaluation and enforcement of the legal requirement. However, no action was taken by the Chief Public Prosecutor's Office in response to this matter.With the decision of the Supreme Electoral Council (SBE), the acute crisis appears to have been temporarily resolved. However, it is noted in the SBE's decision that the initial ruling on the restoration of restricted rights was deemed illegal. Consequently, there remains a possibility that the decision could be overturned through an extraordinary legal remedy. If this scenario unfolds, there is a chance that Zeydan's mayoralty could once again be revoked. However, in such an event, since the mayor would be elected by the Metropolitan Municipality Assembly, a member of the assembly from the DEM party would likely be elected once more.It is evident that the revocation of the mazbat, initiated by the Ministry of Justice, was an attempt to impose a trustee. However, the significant backlash from the public, civil society and political parties appears to have compelled the government to retreat, at least temporarily. This episode underscores the importance of consistently voicing solid objections from the public in every instance of attempting to impose arbitrary trustee practices that undermine democratic principles.

It is evident that the revocation of the mazbat, initiated by the Ministry of Justice, was an attempt to impose a trustee. However, the significant backlash from the public, civil society and political parties appears to have compelled the government to retreat, at least temporarily. This episode underscores the importance of consistently voicing solid objections from the public in every instance of attempting to impose arbitrary trustee practices that undermine democratic principles.