Turkey re-elected President Erdoğan in the May 28th election, marking an intriguing experience for the country. The opposition politicians and citizens were confident in their potential victory, particularly in the first round. In the 2019 municipal elections, the Millet Alliance, led by the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Iyi Parti (İYİP), supported by the Democratic Party (DP) and the Felicity Party (SP), successfully won municipalities from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in major cities like Istanbul, Ankara, Adana, Mersin, and Antalya. This triumph served as a significant motivation for Erdoğan's opponents.Additionally, President Erdoğan exerted considerable effort to repeat the local elections in Istanbul, and in the subsequent election, the CHP candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu further increased his vote share and assumed the position of Istanbul's mayor. This outcome demonstrated the opposition's notable success under the umbrella of an alliance. Naturally, Erdoğan's opponents entered the general election under the Millet Alliance, leveraging the strength gained from the 2019 elections. However, the alliance system that proved effective in the local elections did not yield the same outcome in the general elections, resulting in Erdoğan securing his third term as the President of the Republic of Turkey.On the contrary, Erdoğan now faces a more challenging test: the economy. Despite presenting an electoral economic plan and making certain economic promises such as reducing unemployment, achieving a growth rate of 5.5%, raising the national income per capita to $16,000, and constructing favorable housing for earthquake victims, Erdoğan did not place significant emphasis on economic promises during his pre-election propaganda. While articles were written and leaflets were prepared on these matters, economic developments were not the focal point of Erdoğan's rallies or television programs. Instead, he primarily focused on accusing the opposition alliance of supporting terrorism. It remains uncertain whether this discourse resonated with the public, but it is evident that this was the primary issue Erdoğan emphasized throughout the campaign.While inflation and the devaluation of the Turkish lira are the most pressing issues in Turkey, the lack of emphasis on the economy Erdogan during the election process has raised concerns among economists. As mentioned in previous bulletins, the Turkish economy is grappling with high inflation, a depreciating currency, and a significant current account deficit. The proposed "Turkey Economy Model" and "Liraization" strategy, aimed at addressing these problems, have largely depleted the reserves of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey (CBRT), raising doubts about whether Erdogan will reconsider this model after the elections.Although the economy was not the central focus of Erdogan's campaign, discussions surrounding how to revive the economy and who would be entrusted with its management have dominated the post-election discourse. In this regard, the name Mehmet Simsek has emerged as a prominent figure. Before the elections, Erdogan held several meetings with Mehmet Simsek, and it was even announced to the press that these meetings were taking place. However, no significant developments on this matter were observed at that time.Mehmet Şimşek is widely recognized in the Western capital as a successful finance minister, particularly during the period when the Turkish economy was highly regarded in Europe. Together with Ali Babacan, he managed the Turkish economy during a time of prosperity. Simsek was named the finance minister of the year by Emerging Markets magazine in 2013 and was recognized as one of the 500 most influential people in the world by Foreign Policy magazine in the same year. However, the Turkish economy took a different direction with significant changes, particularly under Berat Albayrak, who is Erdogan's son-in-law.It appears that Erdogan intends to reappoint Mehmet Şimşek to oversee the economy in an attempt to return to the successful past. However, at the same time, Erdogan seems determined to maintain his belief that "interest rates are the cause of inflation."&nbsp;It remains uncertain whether there will be a return to orthodox economic policies or if a middle ground can be reached between Simsek and Erdogan. Only time will reveal whether Simsek's economic understanding and Erdogan's perspective on interest rates can work harmoniously.

The Freedom Observer

It remains uncertain whether there will be a return to orthodox economic policies or if a middle ground can be reached between Simsek and Erdogan. 

On the verge of economical discharge: Comeback era of M. Şimşek

The current 16 ministers and Vice President Fuat Oktay became candidates for the Justice and Development Party in the general parliamentary elections to be held on 14 May 2023. However, these people did not resign from their posts. According to Article 76 of the Constitution, public officials cannot be candidates for parliament unless they resign from their duties. The third paragraph of Article 76 is as follows: “As long as judges and prosecutors, members of higher judicial bodies, faculty members in higher education institutions, members of the Council of Higher Education, civil servants of public institutions and organizations, and other public officials who are not workers in terms of their services, and members of the Armed Forces, resign from their duties they cannot be candidates and cannot be elected as members of parliament.”Similarly, in Article 18 of the Law on Elections of the Deputy No. 2839, titled "Persons to be resigned for candidacy"; "Judges and prosecutors, members of higher judicial bodies, faculty members in higher education institutions, members of the Council of Higher Education, Radio and Television Supreme Council, civil servants of public institutions and organizations and other public officials who are not workers in terms of their services, mayors who want to be candidates and officers and non-commissioned officers, the chairman and members of the provincial and district administrative boards and members of the municipal councils of the political parties that want to be candidates, the members of the provincial council, the professional organizations in the nature of public institutions and the trade unions, the public banks and the higher organizations and their enterprises or partnerships in which they participate are subjected to the rule that if a decision is made to renew the election one month before the start of the general and by-elections, those who take charge in the board of directors and supervisory boards cannot put forward their candidacy and cannot be nominated unless they want to leave their posts within seven days of the announcement of the renewal decision.’’Based on these provisions, many objections were made to the YSK on the grounds that the vice president and ministers were nominated without resigning. According to media reports, the YSK rejected these objections.[1] The said decision of the YSK was not published in the Official Gazette and on the Board's website. However, it is understood from the media reports that the decision of the YSK was based on the justification that the ministers were not public officials. In the YSK decision, it was emphasized that the Ministers were not counted in Article 18 of the Law No. 2839, and it was reminded that they took an oath in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey when they took office, and it was concluded that the appointed Ministers did not need to resign in order to become a parliamentary candidate. However, it should be noted that this decision is open to discussion and negatively affects the fairness of the election.<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title="" target="_blank" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a>First of all, it should be noted that the status of ministers has completely changed after the 2017 Constitutional Amendment. Ministers are no longer political personalities and members of the executive branch, but are the administrative agents of the President, who is the executive organ. In other words, it is necessary to explain how the ministers who do not need the vote of confidence of the legislature to take office and cannot be dismissed by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, who are directly responsible to the President, are not counted in the category of other public servants who are not workers in terms of their services. It is not possible to understand how the fact that the ministers took the oath in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey when they were taking office excludes them from the scope of public servants. The reason why ministers are not listed separately in Article 18 of the Law No. 2839 and 76 of the Constitution is clear. It is in accordance with the nature of the parliamentary system that ministers who were elected deputies and political figures before the 2017 amendment did not resign. However, the legal status of the ministers was not regulated during the transition to the presidential government system. In this case, there is no rule stipulating that they should be exempted from the status of public servant.On the other hand, the fact that the ministers do not resign makes it difficult for the elections to be held in a fair competition environment. Ministers make unlimited use of public resources and exercise their public powers during the election campaign period. Law enforcement officers affiliated to the Minister of Interior, who is a parliamentary candidate himself, carry out operations against the candidates of other political parties, and prosecutors under the control of the HSK, headed by the Minister of Justice, who is also a parliamentary candidate, can open investigations.&nbsp;Recently, the display of aid boxes belonging to AFAD in a minister's campaign vehicle also shows that public resources are used by ministers for election propaganda. * Ali Rıza Çoban – Constitutional Lawyer <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;"><a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title="" target="_blank" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a><a fr-original-style="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank" title=""></a> [1] https://www.haberturk.com/ysk-muhalefetin-basvurusunu-reddetti-3584112

In the YSK decision, it was emphasized that the Ministers were not counted in Article 18 of the Law No. 2839, and it was reminded that they took an oath in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey when they took office, and it was concluded that the appointed Ministers did not need to resign in order to become a parliamentary candidate. However, it should be noted that this decision is open to discussion and negatively affects the fairness of the election.

Ministers can be candidates for parliament without resigning

• <a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/turkey-inflation-surges-361-amid-lira-crisis-highest-since-2002-2022-01-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Turkey’s annual inflation rate soared to 36% last month</a>, its highest since the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002. Consumer prices rose 13.58% in December alone, according to official statistics from the country’s statistical institute.&nbsp;<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">What is really going on:&nbsp;The Turkish lira shed 44% of its value against the dollar last year as the central bank slashed interest rates as part of a drive by President Erdogan to boost a credit and export-fueled growth in the country. Turkey now has the eighth-highest inflation in the world, according to a Trading Economics listing.</li></ul>

Justice and Development Party ile ilgili hikayeler