Local: Derin CantürkI made my move to Porta Venezia back in 2013 when I came over from Istanbul for my architecture degree. After a brief hiatus in 2016, I found myself drawn back to this neighborhood from another corner of the city in 2017. Porta Venezia, translating to "Venice Gate" in Italian, takes its name from a historic gate at the heart of the neighborhood. For me, the real pulse of Porta Venezia beats around the crossroads of Via Melzo and Via Malpighi, where many of my favorite spots cluster.Buildings from the early 1900s like Casa Galimberti, Casa Guazzoni, Casa Cambiaghi, and Casa Balzarini, all flaunting the Liberty or Italian Art Nouveau style, never fail to captivate me. The grand entrance halls of Milan's apartment blocks, hidden behind majestic doors, remain among the architectural elements that catch my eye in daily life, continuously offering surprises.As for the neighborhood vibe... It's a vibrant mix, hosting diverse communities. The busier, commercial northern part is home to African communities, predominantly Eritreans, and LGBTQIA+ communities, while the quieter, residential south is where you'll find Italians and expats like myself. Although these groups lead fairly separate lives, they come together in the evenings, especially around Via Lecco, connecting through shared spaces and bars for some fun. Their most common ground seems to be the commercial and social interactions fostered by local businesses and shops.The impact of local venues and markets on the neighborhood's economy, culture, social fabric, and sense of community is significant. Several days a week, local markets spring up on different streets, transforming them into public platforms where especially the elderly can socialize and buy fresh produce, with the streets closed to traffic on market days. Like anywhere in Italy, catching up with the barista over a coffee at the bar counter in the mornings and after lunch is a staple routine. The pre-dinner aperitivo hour is also an integral part of life in the city and the neighborhood.Green spaces and parks play a crucial role in the daily lives of residents with pets and children. The Giardini Pubblici Indro Montanelli, also known as the Porta Venezia Gardens, is Milan's first and second-largest city park, serving as a vital green escape for me and others living here.It's not just a local observation, but I'd say Milan's venues traditionally had a weak connection to the street. However, in recent years, especially with the pandemic's impact and subsequent new city regulations, we've seen many venues extending outwards. This shift has undoubtedly strengthened their connection with the external.For the curious: Take a stroll through Milan's entryways with Karl Kolbitz's "<a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.taschen.com/en/books/architecture-design/05321/entryways-of-milan-ingressi-di-milano" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Entryways of Milan</a>", published by Taschen.

Soli

We're tuning into the beat of the Milan we know and the Milan we rediscover with every visit, all from the perspective of a local.

Green, open, diverse: Notes from Porta Venezia

AK Parti'nin Avrupa'daki kalesi Hollanda Krallığı'ndan herkese selamlar. Ben Büşra, Twitter'a yapışık geçirdiğim, duygusal iniş çıkışlarla dolu bir haftanın sonunda öfkemin boyutlarını kabul ettiğim bir gün oluyor. Cishet Müslüman erkeklere ait olduğunu düşündüğüm "safları sıklaştıralım" deyişinin Nâzım Hikmet'in "Hürriyet Kavgası" şiirinden geldiğini öğrendiğim bir gün de oluyor. İnsan kendi ülkesinin umut ve devrim teşebbüsleri tarihini bilmeyince böyle oluyor.&nbsp;Bu bir "seçim analizi" değil, eleştirilecek *çok* yanı olmasına rağmen bir Millet İttifakı eleştirisi hiç değil. Bireysel hayatlarımızı bir kenara koymuş, 28 Mayıs 2023'ün gelmesini beklerken ve bilgi akışı/dezenformasyon fırtınası devam ederken bu haftanın bülteni birbirleriyle alakasını bir anlığına fark edip paylaşmak istediğim "şey"lerin kısa bir listesinden oluşuyor.&nbsp;Seçimle ilgili bir şeyler söylerken defalarca düşünmek gerekiyor: Seçim gecesi ve sonrasında Cizre sokaklarında dolaşan zırhlı araçlardan seçimden bir gün sonra Yenikapı Marmaray'da hayatına son veren Kübra Ergin'e, davaları ve tutuklulukları devam eden vatandaş ve politikacılara, şiddetten ölen kadınlara ve bu ülkede büyüyecek çocuklara, yolsuzluk ve liyakat yoksunluğunun kesiştiği yerde, depremde hayatını kaybeden milyonlara ve binbir tehlikeyi ardında bırakarak Türkiye'ye sığınmış göçmenlere; ülkenin en az yarısı için bu seçim ve gelecek seçimler sadece bir varoluş değil, ölüm-kalım meselesi. Pek çok kişi gibi, bu ağırlığı omuzlarımda hissederek ikinci turu beklediğim bu haftadan bültene yolunu bulanlar:Olmasaydı olmazdı: Pride ve kadın hareketinden "radikal sevgi" kampanyasına<a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.facebook.com/medyascopetv/photos/a.742311632547377/6014903088621512/?type=3&theater" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank"><img src="https://images.aposto.com/2023/4/5/1684511965393.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" alt="Sevgi Pıtırcığım Hoşgeldin" ratio="1.50" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></a>CHP'nin 15 Mayıs 2023 itibariyle, kimi seçmenin ise <a fr-original-style="" href="https://twitter.com/satrayni/status/1655873653051990016?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">biraz daha önce bıraktığı</a> radikal sevgi stratejisi ve amblemleşen "el ile kalp"e meydanlarda cesaret verenin kadınların ve kuirlerin yıllardır Feminist Gece Yürüyüşü ve İstanbul Onur Yürüyüşü'nde pankartlarıyla insan olmaya açtığı alan olduğuna yemin edebilirim ama kanıtlayamam.&nbsp;Nereden çıktığını bilmiyoruz ama kimin çıkarttığını biliyoruz: HÜDA-PAR<a data-type="embed" fr-original-style="" href="https://twitter.com/BirrBartaKulesi/status/1659437648195334145?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1659437648195334145%7Ctwgr%5Eb18aff5e274c8cc05d558a09743d99ff5fc32c56%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpublish.twitter.com%2F%3Fquery%3Dhttps3A2F2Ftwitter.com2FBirrBartaKulesi2Fstatus2F1659437648195334145widget%3DTweet" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank"><img src="https://embed.apos.to/assets/2023/4/2023-05-19T16:39:13.079Z.png" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="2.02" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></a>Feminist Gece Yürüyüşü ve İstanbul Onur Yürüyüşü demişken, ülke tarihinde ilk defa kadınların, LGBTQIA+'ların ve çocukların hayatına bu kadar büyük bir tehdit unsuru girdi. 1990'larda, JİTEM'le işbirliği içinde insanları vahşice katleden <a fr-original-style="" href="https://iletisim.com.tr/kitap/turkiye-de-hizbullah/9049" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Hizbullah</a>'la ilişki geçmişiyle, hayatın şeriat kanunlarına göre düzenlenmesi gerektiğini savunan <a fr-original-style="" href="https://aposto.com/i/pusula-huda-par-hizbullah-seriatcilik-ve-ozerklik" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">bu partinin</a> dört vekili artık mecliste.&nbsp;Sağın günleri bitmedi ve sırada daha sağcı günler var<a data-type="embed" fr-original-style="" href="https://twitter.com/MehmetDepremMED/status/1658870319405252614?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank"><img src="https://embed.apos.to/assets/2023/4/2023-05-19T16:57:33.860Z.png" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="0.94" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></a>AKP'nin yirmi yılı aşkın iktidarı, CHP'nin Altılı Masası'ndaki herkesin sağcı olması (ve oy anlamında neredeyse hiçbir işe yaramamaları), Meral Akşener'in geçmişindeki çok karanlık ilişkilerle geri gelmesi ve Kılıçdaroğlu'nun ağzından yükselen "sınır namustur" retoriği yeterince kötü değilmiş gibi hiç yoktan beliren kafatasçı Zafer Partisi ve Sinan Oğan'ın %5 seçmeni, size de merhaba.&nbsp;Cumhurbaşkanı kim olursa olsun, ilerleyen günlerde bu ultra sağcı Türkiye'de ırkçılığın daha da yükselmemesi için kafa kafaya verip eylem planları üretmemiz gerekecek.&nbsp;Bonus:<a data-type="embed" fr-original-style="" href="https://twitter.com/demeterdinler/status/1657833019254743040?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s; text-decoration-skip: objects; touch-action: manipulation; -webkit-user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank"><img src="https://embed.apos.to/assets/2023/4/2023-05-19T17:32:37.017Z.png" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="0.91" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"></a>Her şeye rağmen: 28 Mayıs'ta oyumuzu veriyoruz, sandıklara sahip çıkıyoruz.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2023/4/5/1684516008810.png" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="0.75" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">Acılara yürüyor korkmuyorum,Büşra

Tutto

Seçimler hakkında birkaç şey, sağın elli tonu

Hayaller (Demirtaş'a, Kavala'ya) Özgürlük, Hayatlar Aşırı Sağ

Justice Minister Bekir Bozdağ announced last week that ‘We will probably submit the constitutional amendment proposal to the Presidency of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey next week’ and stated that the proposal will be submitted to parliament this week. Another title of the constitutional amendment, which also includes the ‘legalisation of the headscarf’, is ‘protection of the family'.At the beginning of this month, President Erdoğan said, ‘Strong families give birth to strong nations. Let us create strong families so that we can be a strong nation. A weak family weakens a strong nation. We do not want to give this opportunity.’&nbsp;One step behind: President Erdoğan responded to CHP leader Kılıçdaroğlu's call for ‘legalising the headscarf’ with a call for a ‘constitutional amendment’. Erdoğan said, ‘Let's not stop there, let's make additional amendments that will strengthen our family institution, which consists of the union of men and women, and enable us to look to our future with confidence.’Why? There have been anti-LGBTQIA+ discourses in Turkey for a long time. In recent months, a rally called ‘Big Family Meeting’ was organised, banners with anti-LGBTQIA+ statements were carried and slogans were chanted. Minister of Interior Süleyman Soylu has made opposing discourses many times, and in a statement he made in August, he said, ‘This is why they want to unleash LGBTI or what is it, sexlessness on this country. First they will acclimatise, and then they will take our children away from us. We see all of these.’ In October, Minister of Industry and Technology Mustafa Varank said, ‘You can do whatever you want, but if you impose sexlessness, if you continue to undermine the concept of family, we will not say goodbye to anyone.’What will happen?&nbsp;Minister of Justice Bozdağ stated that paragraphs will be added to Article 24 of the Constitution, and the first paragraph of Article 41 will be amended. While Article 24 is expected to be amended regarding the headscarf, Article 41 is expected to be amended to read ‘The family is the foundation of Turkish society and is based on equality between spouses.’ It is believed that the word ‘spouses’ will be replaced with ‘men and women.’&nbsp;It is stated that with this word change, it is planned to constitutionally prevent marriage equality. Currently, no same-sex unions are recognised in Turkey, nor are marriages or similar unions outside the country. Marriage is restricted between a man and a woman by the article in the Civil Code which reads: ‘The man and woman who are to marry each other apply together to the marriage registrar's office in the place where one of them resides…’.&nbsp;How is it in other countries?&nbsp;In the image below, you can see the latest status of legal regulations on marriage equality and homosexuality.Today, marriage equality is recognised in the USA and most European countries. Although there are discourses against LGBTQIA+s in almost every country, countries acknowledge their existence in legal status and approve of their marriage rights. Of course, this process has not been going on for a long time but has been developing rapidly, especially in the last 10 years. If we look at a few countries:&nbsp;Netherlands:&nbsp;The Netherlands was the first country to legalise marriage equality. With the decision taken on 1 April 2001, homosexual couples were granted the same rights as heterosexual couples, including adoption.&nbsp;Belgium:&nbsp;In Belgium, where marriage equality was legalised in 2003, same-sex couples were granted the right to adopt children in 2006.&nbsp;Spain: In Spain, where marriage equality was legalised in 2005, couples can adopt whether they are married or not.&nbsp;Canada: Marriage equality in the country entered national law in July 2005 and was legalised nationwide. Before this period, it was legal in some provinces.South Africa:&nbsp;The first African country to allow marriage equality, South Africa legalised adoption in November 2006.Norway: the country's 2009 law paved the way for same-sex couples to marry and adopt, but for the past 20 years same-sex couples have enjoyed many of the same legal rights as unmarried heterosexual couples, under the term 'civil partnership'.Sweden: Since 1995, civil partnerships have been recognised, and in 2003 couples were granted the right to adopt a child. In May 2009, it was legalised for couples to marry in a civil or religious ceremony.&nbsp;France:&nbsp;In April 2013, a bill allowing marriage equality and adoption was approved by the parliamentary plenary and signed into law by the president.Argentina:&nbsp;On 14 July 2010, Argentina became the first South American country to have marriage equality and adoption rights after the law was passed by parliament.USA:&nbsp;In 1996, a federal law called the Defence of Marriage Act (DOMA) defined marriage as ‘the union of one man and one woman’. The law was canceled by the Constitutional Court in 2013. However, marriage equality had previously been legalised in several states, including Massachusetts, California, Iowa, Vermont, New Hampshire, and New York. In 2015, the Supreme Court ruled that marriage equality is a legal right and legalised it across the country. Justice Anthony Kennedy, who wrote the judgment, said, ‘No union is deeper than marriage.’United Kingdom:&nbsp;Marriage equality is now legal in all parts of the United Kingdom, although it was recognized at different times in different regions.&nbsp;Switzerland:&nbsp;Same-sex marriage became legal as of 1 July 2022 after it was approved in a referendum held in September 2021.Taiwan:&nbsp;Taiwan's Parliament passed the legalisation of marriage equality in 2019. Taiwan became the first Asian country to take this decision, and approved the right to adoption, albeit in a limited way, with the same law.Mexico: In Mexico, same-sex marriages became legal throughout the country, with the northeastern border state of Tamaulipas also approving marriage equality.&nbsp;On the other hand, especially in Middle Eastern countries, it is seen that LGBTQIA+ persons are not recognised for their fundamental human rights and are subjected to criminal sanctions due to their sexual orientation.&nbsp;Is family unity achieved by men and women?&nbsp;Stating that a strong family constitutes a strong society, President Erdoğan had stated that with the regulation to be made, ‘They will set a barrier against threats to the family institution and human nature.’&nbsp;Just the other day, AKP Deputy Chairman Hayati Yazıcı said about the regulation on the institution of the family, ‘Family unity consists of the marriage of a man and a woman, it is as clear as that. Can there be a citizen against this?’However, when compared to the rest of the world, it is possible to see that marriage is guaranteed as a constitutional right in many countries, and that the union between two people and sexual orientation is also recognised as a fundamental right and freedom. It would not be wrong to say that all countries attach importance to family and family unity and regard it as the basic building block of society. In this context, when we evaluate the changes and decisions taken by countries over the years, we can say that family unity and strength can be achieved through free and equal rights rather than marriage between men and women. &nbsp;<blockquote fr-original-style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); border-color: rgb(37, 44, 60); border-width: 4px; font-style: italic; padding-left: 10px;" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); border-color: rgb(37, 44, 60); border-width: 4px; font-style: italic; padding-left: 10px; margin: 0px 0px 1em; border-left-style: solid; box-sizing: border-box;">‘Homosexuals must also be legally secured within the framework of their rights and freedoms. We do not find the treatment they are subjected to from time to time on some television screens humane.’ -Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, 2002</blockquote>

Spektrum

We can say that family unity and strength can be achieved through free and equal rights rather than marriage between men and women.  

Marriage equality: Does the family unit consist of a man and a woman?

CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu was criticised by some opposition voters for his proposal to guarantee headscarf in law. He is alleged to have imposed himself as the candidate of the six-party alliance by restraining the presidential candidacies of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, and Mansur Yavaş, the mayor of Ankara Metropolitan Municipality. The content of his US visit is said to be weak.Especially after the proposal to legalise the headscarf, President Erdoğan turned this into political leverage and imposed a new law amendment on the opposition, including restrictions on the rights and freedoms of LGBTQIA+ persons, which is seen as both a major strategic mistake for the CHP and proof that Kılıçdaroğlu is not the right person for the presidential candidacy.So why is Kılıçdaroğlu, who won most of the metropolitan cities, especially Istanbul, Ankara, and İzmir, in the 2019 local elections and inflicted the biggest electoral defeat on the AKP in its history, making strategic mistakes months before the general elections? In a situation where inflation has reached 82%, and a large part of the population cannot even meet their basic needs, why is Kılıçdaroğlu diverting the focus of the opposition with his ‘halalisation’ (it implies a religious practice of reconciliation) rhetoric and the headscarf law proposal?<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/9/0/1665908699698.png" width="550" alt="Kılıçdaroğlu" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" ratio="1.51" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">DHAIn this article, I will try to find a satisfactory answer to these questions using democratisation theories rather than trying to characterise Kılıçdaroğlu's opposition strategy as right or wrong.Polarising to maintain the powerHow can you force a government that has been in uninterrupted power since 2002 and has been increasing its authoritarianism to democratise and respect the rights and freedoms of its citizens? We have closely witnessed that it is possible to establish an authoritarian government through the politics of polarisation, especially in countries like Turkey where ethnic, religious, and identity divisions are strong and where there is no social consensus on fundamental issues of concern to the society. The economic growth and increase in social welfare between 2002 and 2007, the so-called ‘golden period’ of the AKP's rule, was able to expand the party's voter base, and the violations of the rights and freedoms of some groups could be ignored.With the impact of the 2008 financial crisis, the slowdown in economic growth and the concentration of wealth from the bottom to the top in the following period reduced the economic gains offered by the government to its electorate and led the AKP to a political approach that polarised the society through identity politics to maintain its power and continue its authoritarian steps. The AKP government, which has consistently violated the fundamental rights and freedoms of its citizens, has restrained the social opposition against it with the economic prosperity achieved in a certain period, while in the following periods it has prevented it by fragmenting society through identity politics.Today, we see a dichotomous society in Turkey on ideological and identity grounds. Given the crucial importance of the 2023 elections for Turkey, what kind of strategy should the opposition pursue to rebuild a democratic regime, or how can it succeed in forcing the government to adopt democratic politics? Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the main opposition leader, is answering this question with his proposal for halalisation (reconciliation) and legalisation of the headscarf. And why?A government that constantly seeks to expand its power at the expense of citizens' rights and freedoms cannot be prevented from doing so only by opposition voters, because the vote share of its own voters is enough to keep it in power. In this case, for the AKP, which does not embrace values such as human rights and democracy, and whose sole aim is to maintain its power, violating the fundamental rights and freedoms of millions of people it sees as opposition voters does not create any political cost for itself. The majority of the social base that supports the government does not criticise the oppression and violation of rights of the opposing group, and these people can gain an advantage over the other group with certain economic and political gains, in return for their support for the government.In Turkish society, where there is no social consensus on fundamental rights and freedoms, the only thing that can defeat the AKP in the elections or prevent violations of rights is either the deterioration of the system due to external factors, such as the economic crisis or the reaction of its electorate to the violations committed against the other group. For a long time, the opposition had hoped that the economic crisis, with inflation reaching 84% and the minimum wage remaining below the hunger threshold, would naturally cause the AKP to lose the elections. However, President Erdoğan's launch of the electoral economy, opening the credit and social aid spigots to the fullest, and the recent perceptions of victory in foreign policy have reversed this negative mood and increased both Erdoğan's approval rating and the AKP’s vote share.Taking the final trump card from the governmentIn democratic countries where checks and balances are functional and social opposition is strong, wrong policies implemented by the ruling party or the corruption committed by the party in power cause a reaction in the society, and the government loses votes. Opposition parties also have the opportunity to come to power. This process, defined as ‘the cost of being in power’, is no longer valid in Turkey, where checks and balances have been abolished, and public resources and the media are under the domination of the ruling party. Any corruption or wrong policy can somehow be blamed on the opposition, and this can have a great deal of credibility with the ruling electorate. Turkey is experiencing one of the biggest economic crises in its history due to the government's deliberate choices. However, there has still not been a major rupture in the AKP government's voter base. It shows both how effective identity politics is and that there is no ‘cost of being in power’ for the government that controls the mainstream media.Keeping that in mind, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu believes that the only thing that will compel the AKP to lose the elections or to end its violations of rights will be the pressure from its base, and he bases his opposition strategy upon this. The dependency relationship between the AKP and the sympathisers in its voter base who see the violations of rights against dissident voters and the interference in private lives which are alien to them as an achievement, is based on social benefits, partial increases in welfare, and polarising identity politics pursued by the ruling party. With the transfer of İBB (Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality) and ABB (Ankara Metropolitan Municipality) to CHP, the government's control over social aid has declined, and with the economic crisis unable to promise welfare increases even to its voters, the last trump card left in its hand is the polarising identity politics. What Kılıçdaroğlu wants to do is to take this final trump card away from the government at the cost of alienating his voters.&nbsp;The halalisation (reconciliation) discourse launched to reconcile with those whose rights and freedoms have been violated in the past because of their lifestyles or political views, and the proposal to legalise the headscarf, the biggest trump card of the government's polarising identity politics, aims at expanding social opposition to authoritarian rule in Turkey, where the fragmented opposition pressure is not enough to reshuffle the government. Whether this opposition strategy will be successful or not remains to be seen, but if it is possible to expand social opposition against authoritarianism, not only it may be possible to win the 2023 elections, but also to create a democratic system in the new Turkey in which such violations of rights and freedoms will never be allowed again. Otherwise, it will not be possible in the near or distant future to build a democratic regime with an understanding that tolerates every injustice and oppression against those who do not belong to it.&nbsp;Kılıçdaroğlu's weak pointThe weak point in Kılıçdaroğlu's strategy is that while emphasising identity politics so much, he oversees the increasing pressure on the opposition electorate and fails to offer a solution to the concrete problems we are currently experiencing, especially in the economy. The CHP's failure to come up with a convincing and satisfactory economic policy months before the general elections and its inability to strongly oppose the increasing pressure on secular lifestyles are creating a great disappointment for opposition voters. People are also less keen to vote. Kılıçdaroğlu, who wants to increase the pressure against the government from its voter base, has failed to strike this balance well, thus breaking the faith of opposition voters and diminishing their expectancy for change.&nbsp;In conclusion, the biggest challenge for the opposition, which has a historic opportunity ahead of the 2023 elections, will be to weaken the electoral base of the government and increase the cost of authoritarianism by taking into account their concerns and demands, without breaking away from their voter base. It is not possible to build a democratic political regime that is loyal to human rights in countries that cannot build a strong opposition and social consensus against governments that seek to expand their power at the expense of citizens' rights and freedoms.

In order to establish a democratic regime, social consensus must first be achieved. This is what Kılıçdaroğlu is aiming for.

Kılıçdaroğlu's strategy and social consensus

• Dünyaca ünlü markaların Onur Haftası'nı kutlamak için piyasa sürdüğü parçalara bir göz atalım.<ul><li>Nike: Spor giyim markası, “BETRUE” serisinin en son üyesi Air Zoom Pegasus 37'yi Onur Haftası'na uygun bir tasarımla piyasaya sürüyor. Gelirlerin bir kısmı LGBTQIA+ topluluğuna <a target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://hypebeast.com/2020/6/nike-air-zoom-pegasus-37-betrue-pride-month-lgbtq-info-release">gidiyor.</a> &nbsp;</li><li>Dr. Martens: Klasikleşmiş 1460 model botuna gökkuşağı renkli dikişler ve Onur Bayrağı 🏳️‍🌈 eşlik <a target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://hypebeast.com/2020/5/dr-martens-1460-boot-pride-month-lgbtq-trevor-project-release-information">ediyor.</a> &nbsp;</li><li>Versace:&nbsp;LGBTQ + topluluğu için sınırlı sayıda kapsül bir koleksiyon yarattı. Meşhur moda evi uzun zamandır eş cinsel haklarının sadık bir <a target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://hypebeast.com/2020/6/versace-releases-new-merch-for-pride">destekçisi.</a></li></ul>

LGBTQIA ile ilgili hikayeler