<a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/busrak%C4%B1l%C4%B1c/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Dr. Büşra Kılıç</a>7 Ekim’de Hamas’ın İsrail’deki sivillere yönelik gerçekleştirdiği saldırıdan sonra, İsrail yönetiminin Gazze ve Batı Şeria’ya karşı başlattığı operasyonlarda sular durulmuyor. 28 Ekim’de savunma bakanı ile birlikte basın açıklaması yapan Benjamin Netanyahu, söz konusu operasyonlar için "Bu bizim ikinci bağımsızlık savaşımız. Ülkemizi kurtaracağız."&nbsp;demecini verdi. Görünen o ki Netanyahu, Filistin topraklarının tamamını işgal etmeyi meşru görüyor. Tüm uluslararası aktörler gibi Avrupa Birliği (AB) de bu "savaş"a dair endişelerini dile getiriyor.Bir adım geriden:&nbsp;AB liderleri, Hamas saldırılarının ardından hızlıca İsrail’e desteklerini gösterdi. Avrupa Komisyonu Başkanı Ursula von der Leyen, 7 Ekim’de sosyal medya hesabından yaptığı paylaşımda AB’nin İsrail’i desteklediğini ve hayatını kaybeden siviller için yas tuttuklarını açıkladı. Avrupa Devlet ve Hükümet Başkanları Konseyi (European Council) başkanı Charles Michel de aynı şekilde İsrail halkının yanında olduklarını duyurdu. Almanya Şansölyesi Olaf Scholz, Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Emmanuel Macron gibi isimler de İsrail’e destek ziyaretlerinde bulundu.<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">13 Ekim:&nbsp;Ursula von der Leyen ve Avrupa Parlamentosu Başkanı Roberta Metsola'nın İsrail'e ziyarette bulundu.&nbsp;</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">15 Ekim:&nbsp;Avrupa Devlet ve Hükümet Başkanları Konseyi, AB'nin ortak pozisyonunu belirleyen bir açıklama yayımladı. Hamas’ı lanetlerken, iki devletli çözüme ve "meşru" Filistin otoriteleri ile iletişim kurmaya vurgu yapıldı.&nbsp;</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">17 Ekim:&nbsp;Liderler, Ortadoğu'daki durumu ele almak üzere acil olarak video konferans yöntemiyle bir araya geldi. Brüksel’deki bazı kaynaklar, bu acil toplantının sebebinin, İsrail’e giderek tek taraflı destek mesajı veren Ursula von der Leyen'in yol açtığı "diplomatik hasarı onarmak amacıyla" düzenlendiğini iddia etti. Liderler 15 Ekim'deki açıklamalarının arkasında durdu ve İsrail'in "insancıl ve uluslararası hukukla uyumlu olarak" kendini savunma hakkını vurguladı.&nbsp;<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Öte yandan:&nbsp;17 Ekim’de İsrail, Gazze’de bir hastaneyi bombaladı. Saldırının üzerinden bir saat geçmeden, Ursula von der Leyen’in İsrail’e destek açıklamasında bulunması, sosyal medyada büyük tepki topladı.&nbsp;</li></ul></li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">19 Ekim:&nbsp;Ursula von der Leyen, davetli olduğu Hudson Enstitüsü’nde yaptığı konuşmada, İsrail’in "kendini savunma hakkına" vurgu yaptı. Bunun üzerine AB Dışişleri ve Güvenlik Politikaları Yüksek Temsilcisi Josep Borrell "Öz savunma hakkı, diğer haklar gibi sınırlara sahiptir. Bu durumda, sınırlar uluslararası hukuk ve özellikle uluslararası insancıl hukuk tarafından belirlenen sınırlardır"&nbsp;dedi.</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">20 Ekim:&nbsp;Avrupa Komisyonu'nun 798 üyesi, Komisyon'un İsrail'i koşulsuz bir şekilde desteklemesinden rahatsız olduklarını belirten bir mektup imzaladı. Mektupta, özellikle von der Leyen'in 19 Ekim'deki konuşmasında sadece Hamas'ı eleştirmesi ve İsrail'i uluslararası hukuka davet etmemesi, "çifte standart" göstergesi olarak eleştirildi.&nbsp;Mektupta "AB'nin tüm itibarını kaybetme riski altında olduğuna"&nbsp;dair bir uyarı bulunuyordu.</li></ul>Avrupa Parlamentosu’ndan tepki: Avrupa Parlamentosu üyesi Mick Wallace, AB Komisyonu Başkanı Ursula von der Leyen'in İsrail-Filistin çatışmalarının başladığı günden itibaren İsrail'e destek verdiğini ve bu ülkeyi ziyaret ettiğini belirterek, "İsrail'e ziyaret, Filistin halkına yapılan haksızlıkları onaylamak anlamına gelir" diye konuştu.<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Parlamento, 19 Ekim’de yaptığı açıklamada; İsrail’i desteklemekle birlikte, Gazze’deki insani krize dikkat çekti ateşkes çağrısında bulundu. Filistin halkının meşru istekleriyle Hamas terör örgütü arasında ayrım yapılmasının önemi vurgulandı.</li></ul>Filistin'e destek mitingleri: Avrupa kamuoyu ise Filistin halkını destekliyor. 11 Ekim'de Berlin'de yapılması planlanan Filistin’e destek mitingi kamu güvenliği gerekçesiyle yasaklandı. Ardından 14 Ekim’de yasakların kalkması ile Köln’de Filistin ve İsrail destekçileri aynı alanda toplandı ve aralarında bulunan polis barikatı ile eylemlerini yaptı. İskoçya’nın başkenti Edinburgh ve Glasgow’da, Birleşik Krallık'ta Londra’da, Norveç’te Oslo’da "Özgür Filistin" yürüyüşleri düzenlendi. 21 - 22 Ekim tarihlerinde Berlin, Londra, Roma ve Marsilya gibi kentlerde "ateşkes" ve "Gazze'ye insani yardım" çağrıları yankı buldu. &nbsp;AB Liderler Zirvesi:&nbsp;26 - 27 Ekim'de Brüksel'de toplanan Avrupa Devlet ve Hükümet Başkanları Konseyi,&nbsp;sonuç bildirgesinde “Orta Doğu” başlığı altında mevcut durumu değerlendirdi. Konsey bildirgesinde 15 ve 17 Ekim'de yapılan açıklamalar tekrarlandı. Bildirinin öne çıkan alanları ise :&nbsp;<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Liderler, çatışma sürecinde&nbsp;tüm sivillerin korunmasının&nbsp;önemini vurguladı ve Gazze'deki kötüleşen insani durum konusunda ciddi endişelerini dile getirdi,</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">İhtiyaç sahiplerine ulaşmak için insani koridorlar dahil olmak üzere hızlı, güvenli ve engelsiz insani erişimin ve yardımın sağlanması&nbsp;talep edildi. Ursula von der Leyen, insani yardım uçuşlarının ilk olarak Mısır’a ardından Gazze’ye ulaştırıldığını; yeni uçuşların da planlandığını açıkladı,</li><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">Liderler son olarak bölgede&nbsp;iki devletli çözümü&nbsp;desteklediklerini vurguladı ve uluslararası bir barış konferansının düzenlenmesi konusunda girişimleri destekleyeceğini belirtti.</li></ul>Son not:&nbsp;AB liderleri, İsrail'in "meşru müdafaa" hakkını desteklerken aynı zamanda Gazze'deki insani drama karşılık "ateşkes" çağrısı yapmaya çalışıyor. İsrail'in gerçekleştirdiği operasyonların "insan hakları" boyutuna vurgu yapılmazken, AB'nin farklı bileşenlerinde görüş birliği olmadığı görülüyor. Kısacası, AB'nin söylem ve eylemlerdeki tutarsızlıklar, AB'nin uluslararası aktörlüğüne dair soru işaretleri oluşturmaya devam ediyor. İtalyan Uluslararası İlişkiler Enstitüsü direktörü ve akademisyen Natalie Tocci, AB’nin bu savaşta sınıfta kaldığını belirtiyor. Tocci’ye göre, Avrupa'nın İsrail-Hamas savaşına verdiği kaotik tepki, birliğin tek seslilikte ne kadar zayıf olduğunu ortaya koyuyor. AB'nin bu durumu aşabilmesi ve itibarını yeniden kazanabilmesi için iki devletli çözüm ve uluslararası barış konferansına yönelik somut adımlar atması gerekiyor.

Spektrum

Görünen o ki Netanyahu, Filistin topraklarının tamamını işgal etmeyi meşru görüyor. Tüm uluslararası aktörler gibi Avrupa Birliği (AB) de bu “savaş”a dair endişelerini dile getiriyor.

Aktörlük krizi: AB, İsrail-Hamas savaşında sınıfta mı kaldı?

While Turkey was trying to heal the wounds of the February 6 earthquake, it also witnessed new political developments that affected the balance between the government and the opposition on the eve of the -sidential and parliamentary elections. Meanwhile, the government continues to respond to criticisms leveled at its negligence and failure to cope with the devastation and suffering caused by the earthquake. As detailed below, the government imposed new bans aimed at destroying the last remnants of the already severely restricted freedom of expression.The aforementioned development, which could affect the political balances on the eve of the elections, came from the İYİ Party leader Meral Akşener, right after the opposition alliance (Table for Six) announced that they had determined the presidential candidate -which is considered to be CHP Chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Akşener is trying to get one of the Istanbul or Ankara Metropolitan Mayors to become the opposition presidential candidate in the hope that she will facilitate her goal of becoming the prime minister in the promised parliamentary system.Since Akşener has no chance to realize this goal after her exit from the Table for Six, she will have to look for a new strategy that will bring her and her party to an advantage in the coming weeks. Although it is not clear for now how this move of the İYİ Party will affect the general political landscape and the balance between the ruling bloc and the opposition, it can be predicted that Turkish politics is open for new developments in the coming days.Meanwhile, the bans on some religious publications, which are among the government's pressures on freedom of expression mentioned at the beginning, have also led to new doubts about the nature of the regime in Turkey. As a matter of fact, upon the request of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (DİB), the prevention and seizure of the translation of the Qur'an written by a theologian on the grounds that it violates the basic principles of the religion of Islam is a heavy pressure on freedom of expression, as well as a constitutional violation of the Republic of Turkey. This move by the government also contradicts the principle of secularism. Moreover, it would not be surprising to encounter such prohibitions in the future as long as this legislation remains in force.We learned from this last incident that the AKP government, by making an addition to the founding Law of the DIB with a decree in 2018, granted this institution a monopolistic authority to determine the meaning and interpretation of the Qur'an. This situation, in one aspect, means that Islam has become almost the established religion, and in another aspect, the Presidency of Religious Affairs has been given a church-like status.While all of this is going on, the avalanche of problems caused by the AKP government that have deepened and led to a crisis of political legitimacy remains on the agenda.&nbsp;These include the economic crisis that is racing to the bottom, severe degradation of the law, justice, and fundamental freedoms, and the state’s - and the government - &nbsp;maintaining its security-oriented approach to the Kurdish problem. All these problems together with the DİB’s monopoly over the interpretation of Islam that is in clear violation of secularism and human rights, and those related to the reconstruction and urban transformation caused by the earthquake, await the new government and parliament that will be formed after the elections.Stay tuned, and see you in the next issue.

The Freedom Observer

• <a fr-original-style="" href="https://apnews.com/article/politics-sweden-government-hulusi-akar-turkey-726084513c24e2319747181c25a8131d" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Turkey</a> canceled next week’s visit by Swedish Defense Minister Pal Jonson after Rasmus Paladan, a far-right activist from Denmark, staged a protest outside the Turkish Embassy in Stockholm where he burned the Quran, Islam’s holy book. "Permitting this anti-Islam act, which targets Muslims and insults our sacred values, under the guise of freedom of expression is completely unacceptable," the Turkish Foreign Ministry said.

Aposto World

Parallel to liberalism, conservatism, Islamism, or socialism; the origins of nationalism can be traced back to the late Ottoman Empire. The modernisation/westernisation movement which began in the Ottoman Empire with the Tanzimat reforms aimed at restoring the empire, which had lagged behind Europe economically and technologically, to its ‘former glory,’ while seeking ways to keep the state together against nationalist movements in the Balkans and increasing pressure from Russia. The intellectuals and statesmen of the period proposed four different solutions to these searches: Ottomanism, Islamism, Turkism (in Yusuf Akçura's words, 'Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset', can be translated as three kinds of policies), and Westernism. As the subject of this article, I will discuss how Turkism was dealt with in the late Ottoman period, its intellectual leaders, and its transformation and articulation within the Republican regime.Tanıl Bora, who has made extensive studies on political ideologies in Turkey, defines Turkish nationalism in his book&nbsp;‘Cereyanlar’ as follows:‘The self-presentation of Turkish nationalism has always been a narrative of delay. In this narrative, the reason for lagging behind modernisation is the delay in the realisation of nationality and nation-building. This haste has led Turkish nationalism to be shaped by a strong perception of threat and a concern for survival. It is a common characteristic of all nationalisms that emerged after the ones in Western Europe to some degree. The difference between Turkish nationalism is that, like most late nationalisms, it was shaped not in the effort to gain independence, but in the anxiety and trauma of losing an empire.’<h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">The birth of Turkism</h3>As Tanıl Bora puts it, the delay in the realisation and construction of the nation was, according to some of the late Ottoman intellectuals, the sole cause of both the defeat in the Balkan Wars and the disintegration of the empire. The loss of Rumelia, which was the backbone of the Ottoman Empire, as a result of heavy and protracted wars led the nationalist intellectuals of that period to search for new answers to the question ‘What is the homeland?’ and the concept of ‘Turan,’ the red goal (Red Apple) of Turkism, was derived. The lines of Ziya Gökalp, one of the founders of Turkish nationalism, ‘Homeland is neither Turkey nor Turkestan for Turks. Homeland is a great and eternal country, Turan,’ became a significant slogan for Turkish nationalism and the definition of the ideal of a homeland for a long period.Ziya Gökalp and Yusuf Akçura are two significant figures with founding roles in the development of Turkish nationalism as an ideology. Akçura (former director of Turkish Historical Society) advocated the idea of unity among Ottoman, Tatar, and Central Asian Turks against the Russian Empire's oppression and assimilation policy against the Turkic peoples of Russia and Central Asia in the early 20th century. Gökalp's nationalism, on the other hand, can be described as more localised as it appealed to the Turks in Anatolia. One of the most distinctive features of Turkism, which began to emerge in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire, is the distance between the first and the idea of Islamism. The Islamism of the period, which advocated that the Sultan should use the power of the caliphate to become the leader of the world's Muslims, also saw the loss of the Balkans and the large share of Muslims in the Empire's population distribution as an opportunity to prevent the disintegration of the state. Turkism, on the other hand, included the Turkic peoples of both Russia and Central Asia, rather than the Arab population of the Empire, within the definition of a nation, and argued that a Turkic Union would be the only salvation of the state.<h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">Early Republican nationalism</h3>The Republic of Turkey, established after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, inherited many institutions and traditions from the Ottoman Empire, as well as the dominant ideologies of the period. As a manifestation of the ideological conjuncture of the period, the young Republic, built on the concept of the nation-state, also adopted a nationalist ideology.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/8/0/1664102009989.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="1.62" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">The fact that nationalist ideology was very strong in Turkey and the Balkan countries in the 1920s paved the way for the population exchange between Turkey and Greece. The Republican regime, which adopted the concept of a homogeneous nation, sent the majority of the minority population with this exchange and relatively achieved its goal of a homogeneous population. The Kurdish population was the only people who remained outside the homogeneous Turkish nation. The other nations in Anatolia could easily be included in the definition of the ‘Turkish nation’ due to their small population size and the relative unity of language and culture.Professor Doctor Murat Somer from Koç University defines early Republican nationalism as ‘positive nationalism and negative nationalism.’&nbsp;<blockquote fr-original-style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); border-color: rgb(37, 44, 60); border-width: 4px; font-style: italic; padding-left: 10px;" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); border-color: rgb(37, 44, 60); border-width: 4px; font-style: italic; padding-left: 10px; margin: 0px 0px 1em; border-left-style: solid; box-sizing: border-box;">‘Positive nationalism tries to produce a unifying and inclusive answer to the question 'Who does the nation consist of?’ It focuses on building a society by giving citizens a common identity and denominator to different minority groups that do not see each other as part of the same group without rejecting their differences. Negative nationalism, on the other hand, focuses more on exclusion and separation. By claiming to be based on an already existing society and identity, it tries to exclude those who are outside that people and identity.’</blockquote>Somer argues that these two types of nationalism initiated the Republic. Republican-era Turkish nationalism can be defined as positive nationalism in the sense that it was able to unite many people with different ethnic identities in Anatolia under the Turkish identity.&nbsp;On the other hand, there was also a negative nationalism that excluded Kurds, Alevis, and Circassians by not accepting them with their own identities. As we enter the second century of the Republic, the only way to ensure social peace despite the polarization of society around ethnic identities and political ideologies is through the revival of an inclusive and unifying positive nationalism, Professor Doctor Murat Somer points out.<h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">Turkish nationalism, which takes the fight against communism as its motto: 1970s</h3>After the Second World War, Turkey joined the US-led Western camp politically and economically and entered a period in which ideologies transformed as politics transformed. Established as a defense alliance against the Soviet Union, NATO was also the flag bearer of the liberal-capitalist Western world's fight against communism. In 1952, Turkey became a member of NATO, and the Soviet threat made anti-communism the essential reference point of politics and the dominant ideology.From the 1940s onwards, Turkish nationalism adopted the fight against communism, and formed an ideological alliance with the political regime, and began to transform its discourse and actions accordingly. Especially in the 60s and 70s, with the strengthening of leftist movements in Turkey, in parallel with the global trend, Turkish nationalism accelerated its street organizations and added a paramilitary force to its political power. The Anti-Communist Associations, the National Union of Turkish Students (MTTB), and the Grey Wolves (Ülkü Ocakları), as the violent street organizations of Turkish nationalism (widely known as ‘ülkücü’), gained an importance in the political atmosphere of the period. The 1970s can also be considered the beginning of a period in which Turkish nationalism and Islamism formed a coalition, and as a result, nationalism split into different camps.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/8/0/1664102084978.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="0.93" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable"><h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">The era of developmental nationalism and Islamist nationalism: 1980s</h3>The September 12 military coup led to political, economic, and ideological structural transformations in Turkey. In other words, the September 12th coup was carried out to realise these structural transformations. In the 1970s, as political violence and street incidents spiraled out of control, street organizations of both left-wing and right-wing groups paved the way for major incidents of violence.&nbsp;Nationalist groups, who considered it their duty to fight against the communist movement, were at the vanguard of political violence during this period with the driving effect of the Nationalist Front coalitions in government. After the September 12 coup, the military government controlled both left and right organizations with executions and imprisonment, but conservative nationalism became the dominant ideology of the new regime. With the influence of the US policy of using Islamism as an ‘antidote’ against communism, Turkish nationalism and Islamism were to create a conservative-nationalist symbiosis. Although the more conservative and Islamist groups within the ‘Nationalist Work Party’ (MÇP), the nationalist party of the period, tried to create a transformation within the party for a while, they left the MÇP in 1992 and founded the Grand Unity Party (BBP) under the leadership of Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu. While the MÇP (and its successor, the MHP), under the leadership of Alparslan Türkeş, adopted a more Turanist and secular nationalism, the BBP which was under the leadership of Yazıcıoğlu, became the representative of Islamist nationalism.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/8/0/1664102152830.png" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="1.79" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">On the other hand, the Motherland Party (ANAP) under Turgut Özal could be seen as the representative of developmental nationalism. Adopting a liberal-conservative ideology, the ANAP led by Özal represents a more worldly and milder nationalism with its approach to economic development. Özal’s quote, ‘It is not nationalism to boast about the past because Mehmet the Conqueror did this, or Yavuz Sultan Selim did that. Nationalism is the ability of societies to boast of their deeds at that moment. Can you compete with the world? Do you have better painters, artists, merchants, politicians?’ can be seen as a summary of developmental nationalism.<h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">The resurgence of nationalism: 1990s</h3>By the 1990s, global and local developments paved the way for the resurgence and strengthening of Turkish nationalism. Both Turgut Özal and Süleyman Demirel enthusiastically embraced the idea that Turkey could lead the Turkic Republics in Central Asia, which had gained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Turkey, as a democratic and secular country, would be a role model for the new Turkic Republics, and a Turkic union would be formed by strengthening political-economic-commercial ties.&nbsp;Süleyman Demirel, the Prime Minister of the time, expressed this idea with these words ‘A Turkey with one end at the Adriatic Sea and the other at the Great Wall of China has emerged.’ With Russia boosting its influence over the former Soviet Republics and the Turkic Republics, in addition to not welcoming Turkey's leadership, it soon became obvious that this ideal was nothing but a &nbsp;dream. Another significant agenda item of the 1990s was the escalation of the armed struggle against the PKK and its transformation into a low-intensity war. Both the war in the southeast and the increasing number of martyrs led to a revival of Turkish nationalism and the refilling of the enemy profile left vacant by the collapse of communism.<h3 dir="ltr" fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">The dominance of Islamist-nationalism and secular nationalism as a reaction: 2000s</h3>In the 2000s, we see that Islamism became the dominant ideology for a long time after the AKP came to power. But after 2015, Islamism and nationalism formed a coalition again, and Islamist nationalism became dominant. In the first years of the AKP’s rule, Turkish nationalism assumed a softer identity due to the wind of EU membership and the Kurdish initiative. Then, with the arrest of high-ranking military officers in the Ergenekon-Balyoz investigations, the failure of the Kurdish initiative, and the resurgence of the fight against terrorism, nationalism started to climb again. In parallel with the AKP's coalition with the MHP, we can say that the Islamist-nationalist alliance became the dominant ideology.&nbsp;<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/8/0/1664102231800.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" width="550" ratio="1.50" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">We also see that secular nationalism, as a reaction to conservative nationalism, has started to find a response in society and politics and has been on the rise in recent years.&nbsp;Following the 1980 military coup, the Turkish-Islamic synthesis, the main ideology of the new political regime, underwent an ideological transformation and evolved into a secular nationalism with the urbanization of the Turkish population, the deepening integration of younger generations into the world, the increase in the number of university graduates and the adoption of a more secular lifestyle. In this new nationalist ideology, the consciousness of Turkishness in the previous version of the Turkish-Islamic synthesis remained more dominant, while the emphasis on Islam decreased, creating a new synthesis that was more integrated with the world and more secular.

Abdullah Esin

Turkish nationalism from its birth to today: From Turanism to Islamism

• <a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/france-closes-mosques-with-powers-that-some-critics-say-use-secretive-evidence-2022-04-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">France temporarily shut down another mosque</a>, saying it was promoting "a radical practice of Islam," and "cultivating a feeling of hate towards France," according to the closure order. Critics argued that authorities are given a carte blanche to close down places of worship without proper scrutiny and with procedures so opaque the case can't be overturned.

• <a fr-original-style="" href="https://apnews.com/article/middle-east-iran-israel-tehran-nuclear-weapons-4b4698c6b51b092747a0ac8f9c1c13d5" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Iran displayed a picture of a new missile</a> with a reported range to reach both US bases in the region along with targets inside its opponent, Israel. Named after a Jewish castle overrun by Muslims in the early days of Islam, the Khaibar-buster missile uses solid fuel and has a range of 1,450 kilometers, State TV reported.&nbsp;<ul fr-original-style="padding-inline-start: 20px;" style="padding-inline-start: 20px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; list-style-position: inside; box-sizing: border-box;"><li fr-original-style="" style="box-sizing: border-box;">The bigger picture: Iran's unveiling of a new missile comes as negotiations to revive Tehran's tattered nuclear deal continue in Vienna with world powers. Iran has been saying that it does not seek nuclear weapons and that its missile program is only a deterrent.</li></ul>

Islam ile ilgili hikayeler