Following the defeat in both May elections, discussions regarding the CHP have intensified. The CHP's relationship with the opposition media has become a topic of debate, alongside internal opposition, preparations for the congress, and relations with other parties. CHP Deputy Chair Eren Erdem made a written statement announcing the unilateral termination of the agreement between the CHP and Halk TV, effectively ending their association. The statement mentioned that the termination was exercised within the framework of Article 6.3 of the protocol dated 01.01.2023 between the party and the television channel Halk TV, which is subject to the audit of the Constitutional Court (Court of Accounts).In response to this announcement, the owner of Halk TV expressed respect for the CHP administration's decision, stating that it is their natural right. The owner emphasized that Halk TV's objective journalism is dedicated to its audience, and their high viewership rates and strong bond with the audience attest to this. Despite facing significant fines from RTÜK, they have never compromised on their commitment to objective journalism, advocating for modern Turkey, its founding values, the people, labor, and the truth. They pledged to continue adhering to this principle in their broadcasting, aiming not to be in favor of or against any political party or administration but to stand for the people and the truth.We can say that the relationship between media organizations and political parties in Turkey is quite problematic. One of the reasons for Turkey's low ranking in press freedom indices is the tendency of media organizations to maintain their existence through a network of political relations that are exempt from the dynamics of the market economy. This situation has been revealed with data in the report titled 'Turkey's Press Freedom Report 2022' written by Prof. Dr. Burak Bilgehan Özpek for the Freedom Research Association. &nbsp;We can observe the ruling party providing financial incentives to media executives, which results in organizations aligned with the government transforming into propaganda vehicles. Simultaneously, the government endeavors to intimidate opposition media establishments through punitive measures.The recent debate revolves around the connection between opposition parties and opposition media, a topic that has received relatively little attention in the media-politics discourse. It is worth mentioning that the relationship between the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Halk TV, despite limited information on its content, bears resemblance to the government's association with partisan media. It appears that the CHP is dissatisfied with Halk TV's broadcasting policies, despite its financial support through advertisements. This discontent could be attributed to the participation of numerous commentators who criticized the CHP administration in post-election programs, potentially influencing the party's decision-making process.It should be noted that the independence of media organizations is contingent on their freedom from the influence of not only the ruling party but also opposition parties. Media independence does not necessarily require an entirely impartial editorial policy, especially in market relations.Unfortunately, in Turkey, media outlets appear to prioritize financial benefits from political actors over serving their viewers or readers as a source of income. Similarly, political actors seek to exploit media outlets as tools for propaganda.Özpek, in the report published in January 2023, revealed the current state of the opposition media and its relationship with the CHP. The report stated, "Especially before the 2023 presidential elections, it has been observed that the opposition media has lost its impartiality and revised its editorial policy in favor of certain candidates within the opposition. With the possibility of CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu's candidacy strengthening, some news that could be detrimental to Ekrem İmamoğlu, one of the strongest candidates against him, were produced."

The Freedom Observer

It is worth mentioning that the relationship between the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Halk TV, despite limited information on its content, bears resemblance to the government's association with partisan media.

CHP-Halk TV Relationship Ends

After the electoral defeats on May 14 and May 28, internal debates have emerged within the main opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP). Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who has faced criticism following the elections, continues to face opposition from within the party for not resigning as the CHP chairman. Kılıçdaroğlu's failure to provide transparency, take responsibility, and be accountable for the election results, as well as the risk of losing metropolitan municipalities in the upcoming local elections and the demand for new leadership in the party, have not been adequately addressed by Kılıçdaroğlu and other party elites. In response to calls for his resignation, Kılıçdaroğlu stated, "We will persist in our path with faith and determination" and "As the captain, I will lead the ship to the harbor," indicating his refusal to step down from the chairmanship.It is evident that the party elites have also disregarded the longstanding public demand for Ekrem İmamoğlu to become the party's chairman. Kılıçdaroğlu, referring to the prominent figures mentioned for the party presidency, emphasized the need to prioritize the collective interest over individual expectations, stating, "When it comes to the homeland, the rest is nothing." However, it is not a democratic approach for Kılıçdaroğlu to use the collective interest as a means to protect his own unquestionable leadership.The behavior of opposition party elites, especially within the CHP, following the electoral defeat, demonstrates that undemocratic principles and practices in Turkey are not exclusive to the ruling party but can also persist within opposition parties. Unfortunately, the current structure, supported by the Law on Political Parties, makes it challenging to reverse this undemocratic functioning. As long as the top-down and bottom-up election mechanism, engineered by party staff, continues between delegates and the chairman, it appears unlikely to end the leadership oligarchy within political parties and the asymmetry between merit and loyalty in top management positions without a crisis.

The behavior of opposition party elites, especially within the CHP, following the electoral defeat, demonstrates that undemocratic principles and practices in Turkey are not exclusive to the ruling party but can also persist within opposition parties.

Discussions on the Leadership of CHP

Turkey re-elected President Erdoğan in the May 28th election, marking an intriguing experience for the country. The opposition politicians and citizens were confident in their potential victory, particularly in the first round. In the 2019 municipal elections, the Millet Alliance, led by the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Iyi Parti (İYİP), supported by the Democratic Party (DP) and the Felicity Party (SP), successfully won municipalities from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in major cities like Istanbul, Ankara, Adana, Mersin, and Antalya. This triumph served as a significant motivation for Erdoğan's opponents.Additionally, President Erdoğan exerted considerable effort to repeat the local elections in Istanbul, and in the subsequent election, the CHP candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu further increased his vote share and assumed the position of Istanbul's mayor. This outcome demonstrated the opposition's notable success under the umbrella of an alliance. Naturally, Erdoğan's opponents entered the general election under the Millet Alliance, leveraging the strength gained from the 2019 elections. However, the alliance system that proved effective in the local elections did not yield the same outcome in the general elections, resulting in Erdoğan securing his third term as the President of the Republic of Turkey.On the contrary, Erdoğan now faces a more challenging test: the economy. Despite presenting an electoral economic plan and making certain economic promises such as reducing unemployment, achieving a growth rate of 5.5%, raising the national income per capita to $16,000, and constructing favorable housing for earthquake victims, Erdoğan did not place significant emphasis on economic promises during his pre-election propaganda. While articles were written and leaflets were prepared on these matters, economic developments were not the focal point of Erdoğan's rallies or television programs. Instead, he primarily focused on accusing the opposition alliance of supporting terrorism. It remains uncertain whether this discourse resonated with the public, but it is evident that this was the primary issue Erdoğan emphasized throughout the campaign.While inflation and the devaluation of the Turkish lira are the most pressing issues in Turkey, the lack of emphasis on the economy Erdogan during the election process has raised concerns among economists. As mentioned in previous bulletins, the Turkish economy is grappling with high inflation, a depreciating currency, and a significant current account deficit. The proposed "Turkey Economy Model" and "Liraization" strategy, aimed at addressing these problems, have largely depleted the reserves of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey (CBRT), raising doubts about whether Erdogan will reconsider this model after the elections.Although the economy was not the central focus of Erdogan's campaign, discussions surrounding how to revive the economy and who would be entrusted with its management have dominated the post-election discourse. In this regard, the name Mehmet Simsek has emerged as a prominent figure. Before the elections, Erdogan held several meetings with Mehmet Simsek, and it was even announced to the press that these meetings were taking place. However, no significant developments on this matter were observed at that time.Mehmet Şimşek is widely recognized in the Western capital as a successful finance minister, particularly during the period when the Turkish economy was highly regarded in Europe. Together with Ali Babacan, he managed the Turkish economy during a time of prosperity. Simsek was named the finance minister of the year by Emerging Markets magazine in 2013 and was recognized as one of the 500 most influential people in the world by Foreign Policy magazine in the same year. However, the Turkish economy took a different direction with significant changes, particularly under Berat Albayrak, who is Erdogan's son-in-law.It appears that Erdogan intends to reappoint Mehmet Şimşek to oversee the economy in an attempt to return to the successful past. However, at the same time, Erdogan seems determined to maintain his belief that "interest rates are the cause of inflation."&nbsp;It remains uncertain whether there will be a return to orthodox economic policies or if a middle ground can be reached between Simsek and Erdogan. Only time will reveal whether Simsek's economic understanding and Erdogan's perspective on interest rates can work harmoniously.

It remains uncertain whether there will be a return to orthodox economic policies or if a middle ground can be reached between Simsek and Erdogan. 

On the verge of economical discharge: Comeback era of M. Şimşek

• <a fr-original-style="" href="https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20221111-turkey-prosecutors-seek-15-month-jail-term-for-istanbul-mayor" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">A court in Turkey</a> sentenced the mayor of Istanbul —a member of the main opposition Republican People's Party— to two years and seven months in prison for "insulting" members of Turkey's Supreme Electoral Council, ahead of the country's upcoming general elections. The court also imposed a political ban that prevents Ekrem Imamoglu from running in elections over the same period.

Republican People's Party ile ilgili hikayeler